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The Labarum – from Crux Dissimulata and Chi-Rho to the Open Image Cross

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Bralewski S.

Studia Ceranea

2020

vol. 10

243-258

Based on the testimony of emperor Constantine the Great himself, Eusebius of Caesarea presented a labarum in the form of crux dissimulata crowned with the Chi-Rho. The continuers of his Church History in the next century, Rufinus of Aquileia, Philostorgius, Socrates of Constantinople, and Sozomen, only kept the cross-shape of the banner, excluding the christogram. This might have happened because in two main sources informing about the vision of Constantine – the accounts of Eusebius of Caesarea and Lactantius – it was not only the monogram of Christ that played a significant role. The motif of the cross also appears in them, in the account of Eusebius directly, and Lactantius indirectly. Furthermore, Christians interpreted the cross explicitly as a sign of victory. Eusebius wrote about the cross as a symbol of immortality, a triumphant sign of Christ overcoming death. In the account of the bishop of Caesarea, on the other hand, Constantine’s supposed vision included a triumphal sign in the form of a luminous cross, or the symbol of the trophy of salvation. Numismatic evidence also cannot be ignored. Already during the reign of Constantine the Great, the Chi-Rho appeared on the coins both on the shields and on the labarum. However, starting from the reign of Constantius II, coins that were minted included the cross instead of the Chi-Rho on the labarum. It also began to be placed on the shields, in their central part, where the monogram of Christ used to be. Over time, the cross replaced the entire labarum. The iconography present on the coins may prove that the phenomenon of identifying the labarum or Chi-Rho with the cross was not limited to church historiography and was more widespread, although it should be remembered that coins continued to also be decorated with the letters Chi-Rho. Therefore, the representation of the cross did not replace this symbol. However, it cannot be ruled out that the increasingly common image of the cross on coins also contributed to the aforementioned perception of the labarum by church historians.

Konwersja Konstantyna Wielkiego na chrześcijaństwo w świetle jego własnego świadectwa – kilka uwag

63%

Bralewski S.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

2016

vol. 15

issue 2

45-79

Among the views of researchers who pronounced their opinion on the issue of Constantine’s conversion to Christianity, we have a variety of positions, which range from its total negation and attribution to the emperor mere calculation, sheer hypocrisy and instrumental treatment of religion, through discerning in his attitude a form of religious syncretism, to full recognition of the reality of his conversion. It seems that nowadays the vast majority of historians do not doubt the sincerity of Constantine’s renouncement of paganism, while differences in their opinions primarily concern the moment, when it took place. Many scholars also underscore the importance of the vision Constantine had, which, according to Lactantius and Eusebius of Caesarea, played a crucial role in the conversion of the ruler. The vision itself, however, is still controversial as a historical fact. Some see it as a supernatural phenomenon, while others either explain it as a natural one or completely depreciate its importance. Needless to say that neither party has been able to prove their case so far. On the other hand, it is irrefutable that Constantine himself, in his surviving letters and speeches, tended to put down his victories to the divine assistance of Christ, which, of course, one can interpret as an essential manifestation of his conversion to Christianity. Some scholars maintain that Constantine adopted Christianity after the year 324. It is, however, hard to prove, because over this period he addressed the god he believed in as summus deus, i.e. in the same fashion as in the first half of his reign. For instance, it was exactly the term he used in his correspondence and speeches from the break-through year 313, in which he addressed the Christian God.

Konstantyn w swoim głębokim przekonaniu został wybrany przez Boga Najwyższego, który za jego pośrednictwem dokonał przełomu w walce ze złem. To ów Bóg stał się jego boskim patronem, o czym cesarz pisał w swych listach już od roku 313. Zachowane cesarskie pisma, w których jest mowa o Bogu, na ogół kierowane były do chrześcijańskich biskupów i to ich Konstantyn powierzał opiece swego boskiego patrona, który w jego mocnym przeświadczeniu był Bogiem chrześcijan. Władca przypisywał Mu odnoszone przez siebie zwycięstwa militarne i spodziewał się, że oddając Mu cześć, zapewni cesarstwu pomyślność. W zamian, w ramach wdzięczności roztaczał opiekę nad Kościołem, wznosząc świątynie i zabiegając o jedność Jego wyznawców w kulcie. Konstantyn, wypowiadając się o Bogu chrześcijan, używał, co zrozumiałe, znanych sobie epitetów właściwych kultom pogańskim, ale należących też do ogólnego skarbca terminologii religijnej. Odwołując się do pojęć i symboli właściwych światu pogańskiemu, ale przez chrześcijan interpretowanych jako chrześcijańskie, Konstantyn dokonywał rewolucji religijnej w sposób kontrolowany i łagodny, nie dopuszczając do zaognienia nastrojów społecznych. Niektórzy badacze sądzą, że Konstantyn stał się chrześcijaninem dopiero po roku 324, jednak w tym okresie wyznawanego przez siebie Boga obdarzał tymi samymi bądź bardzo podobnymi tytułami, co w pierwszej połowie swego panowania. Ponieważ jego zachowana korespondencja i mowy adresowane były często do duchownych chrześcijańskich, to i zawarte w nich odniesienia do Boga dotyczyły Boga chrześcijańskiego i to już od roku 313.

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1 Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

1 Studia Ceranea

2 Bralewski S.

1 2020

1 2016

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The Labarum – from Crux Dissimulata and Chi-Rho to the Open Image Cross

Konwersja Konstantyna Wielkiego na chrześcijaństwo w świetle jego własnego świadectwa – kilka uwag