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EN
The study addresses the problem of to what extent and in what scope do the regulations concerning political parties, resulting from the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, determine the ordinary legislator? The analysis is made from the perspective of the triad of notions: freedom – duty – responsibility.
EN
The Constitution of the Republic of Poland does not define in a comprehensive manner the matter to be standardized in laws and grants the legislator considerable freedom in determining their content. In view of the subject matter of this opinion, based on views founded on the doctrine of Polish constitutional law and on the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Court, it can be concluded that the legislator should regulate by law, among other matters, the following matters reserved for statutory regulation (the principle of exclusivity of the act): regulations concerning citizenship and the rights, freedoms and duties of the individual, as well as the basic competences, principles of how public authorities are organised and function. On the basis of this assumption, it was examined whether there is any indication to the legislator from the constitutional norms relevant to the judicial authority. The following were taken into account: the right to a fair trial (Article 45), the principle of the separateness and independence of the judiciary (Article 173), the principle of bi-instantiality of court proceedings and the principle of statutory determination of the system and jurisdiction of courts (Article 176), the principle of the presumption of competence being assigned to common courts (Article 177), and the principle of the non-removability and non-transferability of judges (Article 180). On the basis of an analysis of these constitutional norms, it was concluded that the Constitution of the Republic of Poland enforces statutory regulation of the organisational structure and the material, local and appeal jurisdiction of common courts, and only allows for entrusting specific matters to be regulated by executive bodies by means of a regulation. In the event of any doubts as to whether a given case should be classified into the category of specific matters, the principle of exclusivity of the Act applies.
EN
The article is devoted to the constitutional right of a child to care and help of public authorities (Article 72 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997). The author analyses the following elements that make up this right: the right of a child to protection against violence, cruelty, exploitation and demoralisation, the right to care and help of public authorities in the event of deprivation of parental care and the right of a child to be heard and have his/her opinion taken into account, where possible, by public authorities and persons responsible for the child in the course of determining a child’s rights. The article also discusses the problem of determining the term “child” against the background of constitutional provisions and the divergent conception of a “child” in the Civil Code and the Family and Guardianship Code.
Prawo
|
2017
|
issue 323
173-182
EN
The subject of the article is the issue of security and public order, analyzed on the basis of the imple­mentation of the constitutional right of assembly. The existing Law on Assembly contains numerous provisions on the need for security measures, both in the preparation of the assembly as well as in its course. Obligations are related both to the municipality as well as the organizer. The author makes an interpretation of selected statutory provisions with respect to the position of law and jurisprudence of the courts.
EN
The paper is an English translation of Pozycja samorządu terytorialnego w konstytucji by Teresa Rabska published originally in Polish in the Journal of Law Economy and Sociology from 1995. The text is published as a part of a newly established section of the Adam Mickiewicz University devoted to the achievements of the late Professors of the Facultyof Law and Administration of the Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań.
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Większości konstytucyjne — wybrane problemy

80%
EN
Collegial bodies as well as the sovereign make decisions by voting. The adoption of a legal act or the selection of a candidate depends on obtaining a certain majority of votes. The subject of this study is the majority of votes regulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The basic types of majority in force in the Polish Constitution are: simple, absolute and qualified majority. The authors present particular types of majority of votes used in votes of the Sejm, the Senate, the National Assembly and the Constitutional Tribunal, but also in elections and referendums. There are as many as eight types of majority required depending on the kind of decision to be made, which results from calculating the majority based on the statutory number of members, and not the actual number of voters. This is a sure sign that the legislator deliberately determined and differentiated the required majorities.
EN
In the case pending before the Constitutional Tribunal, a review is to be carried out in relation to the statute granting consent for ratification by the President of the Republic of Poland of the European Council Decision of 25 March 2011 amending Article 136 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union with regard to a stability mechanism for Member States whose currency is the euro. Article 90 in conjunction with Article 120 the first sentence in fine of Polish Constitution and Article 48 (6) of the Treaty on European Union are invoked as a standard for the review. In the opinion of the Sejm, those standards for the review are inadequate. In relation to other matters, the Sejm applies for discontinuance of the proceedings due to inadmissibility of making a decision.
EN
Historical, systemic and purposeful interpretations make it impossible to assume, as the Supreme Court did in the decision discussed herein, that the mere physical presence for military service, even when one is in a physical state that makes it impossible to serve, abolishes the punishability of the act under Article 144 § 1 of the Polish Criminal Code. The duty to defend the Republic of Poland, as one of the constitutional civic duties, covers in its scope such performance of military service, that increases the state’s defense potential. Reporting for service under the influence of alcohol reduces this potential. Only behavior aimed at protecting the legal good in the form of state defense abolishes the punishability of the act in question. Failure to appear for service is punishable when it covers the physical failure to report for service, but also reporting for duty in such a physical or mental state that excludes the ability to perform this service. Also, the lack of, for example, documents necessary for admission to service implies the commission of the said crime.
EN
The aim of the study is to draw attention to the principle of sustainable development, which is contained in the Article 5 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. As a constitutional value, it certainly refers to such goods as ensuring environmental protection and protection of human and civil rights. It is a systemic principle and its main purpose is to oblige public authorities to undertake specific socio-economic and political activities taking into account present and future generations. This principle is analyzed in many sciences, most often in economic and administrative-legal terms. There is no single, legal definition of this principle, which would allow for the uniformity of interpretation of the legal provisions referring to its application and observance.
PL
Celem opracowania jest zwrócenie uwagi na zasadę zrównoważonego rozwoju, która zawarta została w artykule 5 Konstytucji RP i odniesienia jej w przepisach prawa administracyjnego. Jako wartość konstytucyjna odnosi się na pewno do takich dóbr jak zapewnienie ochrony środowiska i ochrony prawa człowieka i obywatela. Jest to zasada ustrojowa i jej celem jest przede wszystkim zobowiązanie organów władzy publicznej do podejmowania określonych działań społeczno-gospodarczych i politycznych mając na uwadze obecne i przyszłe pokolenia. Zasada ta analizowana jest w wielu naukach, najczęściej w ekonomicznych i administracyjno- prawnych. Nie ma jednej, legalnej definicji tej zasady, co pozwalałoby na jednolitość interpretacji przepisów prawa odsyłających do jej stosowania i przestrzegania.
EN
The Amendment to the Act on the Constitutional Tribunal passed on 22 December 2015 has raised serious doubts in Polish and foreign academic and political institutions and the media. Of particular concern is the fact that the amendment does not correspond to the limitations of Article 197 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Contrary to appearances the amendment exceeds organisational and procedural questions. The amendment imposing a rule that 13 judges must rule on cases in the  chronological order of their submission and the lack of vacatio legis makes it impossible for the Constitutional Tribunal to continue in practice its normal judicial function. In particular it makes it impossible for the Constitutional Tribunal to decide on the constitutional legality of the Amendment of 22 December 2015 within a reasonable time scale which in itself could result in dangerous and absurd legal situations. This could be tantamount to an interference in the judicial competences of the Constitutional Tribunal guaranteed by Article 188 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It is the Constitutional Tribunal itself that should rule on all dilemmas concerning this amendment.
PL
Nowelizacja ustawy o Trybunale Konstytucyjnym uchwalona 22 grudnia 2015 r. budzi liczne wątpliwości krajowych i zagranicznych ośrodków naukowych, medialnych i politycznych. Obawy wywołuje zwłaszcza to, że nie mieści się ona w granicach określonych w art. 197 Konstytucji RP. Wbrew pozorom wykracza bowiem poza sprawy organizacyjne i proceduralne. Przepisy narzucające zasadę orzekania w 13-osobowym składzie, w kolejności wyznaczanej datami wpływu spraw oraz brak vacatio legis uniemożliwiają w praktyce normalną działalność orzeczniczą Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. W szczególności blokują możliwość zbadania w rozsądnym terminie konstytucyjności ustawy z 22 grudnia 2015 r., co z kolei rodzi niebezpieczeństwo powstania absurdalnych sytuacji prawnych. Może to oznaczać ingerencję w kompetencje orzecznicze Trybunału Konstytucyjnego zagwarantowane w art. 188 Konstytucji RP. Do niego też powinno należeć ostateczne rozstrzygnięcie wszystkich dylematów związanych z wymienioną wyżej ustawą.
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EN
This paper contains the author’s own opinions on the legal regulations governing a nationwide referendum referred to in Article 125 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The basic framework of these regulations fits within the limits of standards applicable in democratic countries. Their exercise, however, may be obstructed due to the absence of effective institutional and procedural guarantees ensuring enforcement of a decision arrived at in a referendum. Obligatory organisation of a referendum initiated by citizens (conditioned on collection of a required number of supporters) is challenged, as well as the introduction to the Polish political regime of a recall option in respect of the head of state. A suggestion is also made that the premises for organising nationwide referenda provided for in the above mentioned article of the Constitution be precised, although without binding legal consequences.
PL
Opracowanie zawiera autorskie opinie na temat regulacji prawnych dotyczących referendów ogólnokrajowych, o których mowa w art. 125 Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Regulacje te, gdy idzie o ich podstawowy zrąb, mieszczą się w granicach standardów stosowanych w tym względzie w państwach demokratycznych. Jednakże ich realizacja może natrafiać na przeszkody wynikające z tego, że nie istnieją skuteczne gwarancje instytucjonalne i proceduralne wykonania decyzji podjętych w drodze referendum. Autor opowiada się za wprowadzeniem referendum, w wyniku którego obywatele będą mogli bezpośrednio podejmować akty ustawodawcze poddawane kontroli ich konstytucyjności. Ponadto podaje w wątpliwość wprowadzenie referendum obligatoryjnego rozpisywanego z inicjatywy obywateli (po zebraniu pod wnioskiem w tej sprawie odpowiedniej ilości podpisów), a także wprowadzenie do polskiego systemu ustrojowego instytucji ‘recall’ w zastosowaniu do głowy państwa. Sugeruje, aby przesłanki referendum ogólnokrajowego, o jakich mowa w art. 125 Konstytucji RP, uściślić, choć bez wiążących następstw prawnych.
EN
Objectives: In accordance with the provisions of Article 10 paragraph 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the basic function of the Polish Parliament is a legislative function. However, for years in the field of law making, there have been a number of irregularities related to, among others, overly frequent changes in the legal status, the adverse treatment of public consultations, and undue haste in law making, which all translate into its low quality. Material and methods: The research was conducted using descriptive methods and – due to the legal nature of the publication – the crucial role played dogmatic method, consisting in the interpretation of legal acts and court decisions. Results: During the last parliamentary term, the state of affairs in this field has not improved, and, in many respects, the existing problems have intensified. As a consequence, the standards of the Polish law-making process have deteriorated. The Parliament has become a “manufacturer” of law by which everything can be “produced”. Conclusions: The parliamentary legislative apparatus “spits out” the laws made to order by politicians, and, then, the executive apparatus uses the laws produced in accordance with this political order without taking into account any established principles and universally accepted legislative standards in the democratic world. No one from the ruling group wants to acknowledge that such a law made to be applied on a ‘political order is merely an appearance of law’.
EN
A major problem pertaining to the operation of dependent self-employed entrepreneurs on the labour market in Poland is determination of the scope of legal protection granted to them. Under the Polish law, dependent self-employed persons do not enjoy any special legal protection, unlike employees who are bound by an employment relationship. The question therefore arises what – in the light of constitutional principle of work protection – the model of such protection should be, and in particular, whether the character of such work relationship makes it necessary to create of a separate legal category encompassing dependent self-employment and to provide this group with legal protection similar to the protection already enjoyed by employees bound by employment relationship.
EN
There is a dispute in the Muslim Religious Union in Poland over the appointment of Mufti. A schism in this religious community has been going on since 2016. This situation is a source of challenges for state authorities – religious administrationand courts – as regards the application of numerous principles of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. These principles include: the autonomy and independence of religious associations in their scope, legalism, legal certainty and the trust of citizens in the state and the law created by it. The legal status of the Union is based on anachronistic legal acts: the Act of 21 April 1936 on the relationship between the State and the Muslim Religious Union in the Republic of Poland and the statute approved by the Council of Ministers by way of a decree of 26 August 1936. In practice, the Muslim Religious Union applies an internal statute of 2009. The authorities of the religious administration and courts try to maintain neutrality and not to interfere in the internal dispute in the Muslim Religious Union. This is in line with the standards resulting from the rulings of the European Court of Human Rights and the constitutional principle of autonomy and independence of religious associations. However, there is legal uncertainty. Hence it is urgent to repeal the 1936 law and statute. This may be done either by a decision of the Constitutional Tribunal or by the adoption of a new law based on the Muslim Religious Union’s agreement with the Council of Ministers. However, the revision of the legislation concerning the Muslim Religious Union requires compliance with Article 25 (5) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, i.e. the agreement of the Council of Ministers with the Muslim Religious Union. The latter may sabotage any project that foresees the limitation of its competence. The government has limited scope for influence on the Mufti. In conclusion, one may be under the impression that the ruling functions of the state in the Muslim Religious Union have already been paralysed.
EN
„Freedom and privacy of communication is guaranteed. The restrictions may be imposed only in cases specified in the Act and in the manner specified therein.” This pronounced and clear declaration, being not only a legal guarantee is included in paragraph 49 of Constitution of the Republic of Poland. We look at it from the hindsight, which was created by a system of global invigilation of communication, not only electronic one, called Echelon. It was widely known before Edward Snowden was heard in Hong Kong. Echelon was talked, written about and discussed not only in European Parliament but also at other formal forum. Yet, in our country this phenomenon did not arouse much interest either of lawyers, ministers, senators, government or politicians. There is probably the first attempt of assessing the consequences of Echelon from the view of Polish law. We limit ourselves intentionally to the point which was reachable for everyone before Snowden. We believe that it has a particular meaning: it illustrates that in our country there is a dramatic implementation of the constitutional right to democratic rule of law. It makes us realize where we live and what we can.
EN
The subject of this study is the analysis of one of the structural elements of constitutional concepts: the statutory number of deputies, the statutory number of senators and the statutory number of members of the National Assembly. The authors consider, among others, the issue of the legitimacy of calculating the constitutional majority, quorum, as well as the required number of signatures, from the total number of members, instead of the actual number. They separate a temporary and permanent reduction in the number of parliamentarians, analyzing their impact on parliamentary practice. In conclusion, they share the generally accepted interpretation of the concept of the statutory number of members, according to which it is always the composition specified in law, regardless of the actual composition, even in the situation where the law itself sanctions such a reduction, but pointing to the legitimacy of using this concept in constructing some constitutional majority and bypassing it in other cases.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza jednego z konstrukcyjnych elementów konstytucyjnych pojęć: ustawowa liczba posłów, ustawowa liczba senatorów oraz ustawowa liczba członków Zgromadzenia Narodowego. Autorzy zastanawiają się m.in. nad kwestią zasadności obliczania konstytucyjnych większości, kworum, jak również wymaganej liczby podpisów, w stosunku do ogólnej liczby członków danego organu, nie zaś liczby faktycznie obecnych bądź głosujących. Dokonują rozróżnienia na przejściowe oraz trwałe zmniejszenie liczby parlamentarzystów, analizując ich wpływ na praktykę parlamentarną. W konkluzji podzielają powszechnie przyjętą interpretację pojęcia ustawowej liczby członków, według której jest to zawsze skład określony w przepisach prawa, niezależnie od składu faktycznego, nawet w sytuacji, gdy same przepisy prawa sankcjonują takie pomniejszenie, wskazując jednak na zasadności posłużenia się tym pojęciem przy konstruowaniu niektórych konstytucyjnych większości oraz pominięcie go w innych.
EN
The purpose the article is to characterize the Act of 11 July 2014 on Petitions. An analysis of the legislation has been combined with an assessment in accordance with an essential criterion of respect for the principles of correct legislation. The fundamental fl aw of the Act is that the terms of refe rence of both a petition and a request, as regulated by the Code of Administrative Procedure, remain in a logical cross-relationship. The author proposes that making claims in letters be qualifi ed as bringing a petition or an application in accordance with the criteria reconstructed from the provisions of the Act on Petitions and the Code of Administrative Procedure. The author also examines the relationship between the Act on Petitions and other legislation currently in force, by determining the scope of their operation. The article contains a proposal for interpretation of the provisions of the Act on Petitions along with de lege ferenda proposals.
EN
The term “technical regulations” was developed in Directive 98/34/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council, and it comes down to the obligation to provide information concerning products and rules of the information society. The reason behind said solutions was to lead to unification on the Union internal market. Failure to fulfil the obligation of notification triggers serious consequences in legal transactions. From the point of view of the European Court of Justice, national judge, who is primarily a Union judge, may not use non-notified norms. In this respect there appeared discrepancies in judicial decisions of the Supreme Court, where some adjudicating panels held that in cases in which non-notified technical regulations were used it was necessary to ask the Constitutional Tribunal whether these norms were in force. However, the European Court of Justice clearly indicated that the scopes of cognition of the European Court of Justice and national constitutional tribunals do not coincide. The Court pointed out that failure to use a non-notified technical norm is not.
PL
Artykuł zawiera porównanie przepisów uregulowań prawnych dotyczących zdalnej formy kształcenia z faktycznym zakresem ich zastosowania w środowisku akademickim. Zastosowaną metodą badawczą jest analiza dokumentów takich jak Konstytucja RP, ustawa „Prawo o szkolnictwie wyższym i nauce”, rozporządzenia Ministerstwa Edukacji i Nauki oraz wewnętrzne uregulowania prawne (Zarządzenia Rektora UR). Celem badawczym jest porównanie przepisów znajdujących się we wspomnianych regulacjach prawnych z ich praktycznym zastosowaniem w realiach szkolnictwa wyższego, zaś casusem niniejszych analiz stanowi Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Uzyskane wnioski mogą posłużyć do weryfikacji rozwiązań zarówno w trakcie standardowej realizacji procesu kształcenia, jak i wprowadzania edukacji zdalnej w okresach kryzysowych. Wśród nich wyróżnić należy m.in. potrzebę zastosowania kształcenia mieszanego (tzw. blended learning), czy też utworzenie centrów kształcenia na odległość, które wspierałyby technicznie i merytorycznie nauczycieli akademickich.
EN
The article compares the provisions of the legal regulations on the remote form of education with the actual scope of their application in the academic environment. The research method used was an analysis of documents such as the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the Act ‘Law on Higher Education and Science’, regulations of the Ministry of Education and Science and internal legal regulations (Orders of UR). The aim of the research was to compare the provisions found in the aforementioned legal regulations with their practical application in the realities of higher education, while the case study of this analysis was the University of Rzeszów. The conclusions obtained may be used to verify solutions both in the course of the standard implementation of the educational process and the introduction of remote education in crisis periods. These include the need for blended learning or the establishment of distance learning centres.
EN
The position of the NBP at the time of the common market and progressive Europeanisation of the economy and all areas of community life was particularly important. Currently, in the time of the global crisis caused by the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus, encompassing both the supply and demand side of the world economy, the role of the central bank is increasing. Without its involvement, there would be no effective protective measures, aimed at mitigating the decline in GDP growth in Poland and protecting jobs. The central bank, together with the Polish Government and Parliament, is of key importance for Poland’s economic development, while the independence of the NBP is of major significance for its credibility in financial markets. That is why it is so important to try to answer the questions what the independence of the NBP is and whether constitutional and statutory regulations of the relations between the Parliament of the Republic of Poland and the central bank do not breach this independence.
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