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Acta onomastica
|
2020
|
vol. 61
|
issue 1
76-101
EN
Soon after regaining independence (1830), the Greeks undertook efforts to rid their toponymical heritage of foreign names and to replace them with purely Hellenic oikonyms. Established in 1909, the ‘Renaming Committee’ made numerous decisions regarding local names throughout Greece, with 102 changes of place names on the island of Crete alone. In the present study, the author not only discusses the reasons for the elimination of the previous (foreign or ‘barbarous’) toponyms but also analyzes all of the new Cretan oikonyms introduced in 1920–1987 as a result of the planned Hellenization of geographical names.
EN
In the late 19th century, almost coinciding with the expulsion of the Ottomans from Crete, the Jesuit priest Marcin Czermiński arrived on the island. Between 1899 and 1904, this traveller from Krakow made three visits to Crete, mainly staying around the central and western parts of the island. He described his impressions in a number of publications. During his second visit (1903), Czermiński focused his attention on the most important archaeological excavations of the time. First, he visited the sites of Phaistos and Ayia Triada in southern Crete and had the opportunity to meet the pioneers of Italian archaeology, Luigi Pernier, Federico Halbherr and Roberto Paribeni. Afterwards, he visited the great palace of Knossos and finally arrived at the Heraklion museum, whose director, Iosif Hatzidakis, shared a great discovery with him.
EN
This study aims to present the collection of Takkanot Candia in its double role, both as a unique historical source regarding principally the history of everyday life in the Jewish community of Crete in the Venetian period (13th–16th centuries) and as a work of literature which provides us with an insight into the communal politics and inner dynamics of life in a Mediterranean Jewish community in the Late Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period. Takkanot Candia is noteworthy as one of the best preserved specimens of the takkanotkahal genre, whose position in the complex of pre‑Emancipation Jewish legal literature is rather specific. This is caused by its independence of the discourse of Halakhic literature, since takkanotkahal do not derive their authority from Jewish canonical texts, but rather from the authority of the communal leaders who issue them. The significance of Takkanot Candia as a work of literature, which was put together thanks to Renaissance‑era redaction of the historian Elijah Capsali (ca 1485–ca 1550) consists mainly in the authentic picture it presents of the inner fabric of the Candia Jewish community and a self‑reflection of Jewish communal elites on whose shoulders the responsibility for the community’s functioning rested. Study of this text could be a welcome contribution to a more complex understanding of Jewish self‑government in the times of important social changes as the Middle Ages shifted towards the beginning of the Modern Era.
EN
The paper demonstrates the current state of research on the presence of Slavs on the island of Crete in the Middle Ages, as well as in the modern times. The basis for the discussion is a new book of Pantelis Haralampakis, published in 2016. There are numerous controversies surrounding the issues of the exact chronology of Slavic presence on the island, the lexical influence of South Slavic languages on the Cretan dialect of Modern Greek, as well as possible traces of Slavic settlements in the Cretan toponymy.
PL
Antyczna nazwa wodna Κυμαιος, poświadczona na dwóch inskrypcjach opisujących granice pomiędzy kreteńskimi miastami-państwami Hierapytną i Lato, określała okresowy ciek wodny noszący w dobie współczesnej miano Kseropótamos (ngr. Ξεροπόταμος, dosłownie ‘sucha rzeka’) lub Fruzí Potamós (ngr. Φρουζή Ποταμός, dosłownie ‘rzeka Fruzisa’). Wywód starożytnego hydronimu od apelatywu gr. κῦμα (gen. sg. κύματος) n. (osnowa na -t-) ‘fala, bałwan’ wydaje się wątpliwy zarówno z punktu widzenia greckiego słowotwórstwa (rzekomy derywat nie wykazuje śladów tematycznej spółgłoski zębowej -t-), jak i z formalnych względów (rzeka nie płynie przez cały rok i nie niesie ‘falującej, wzburzonej’ wody). Za bardziej prawdopodobny należy uznać wywód od apelatywu greckiego κύμη f. ‘jakaś odmiana kapusty’. Florystyczne nazwy wodne cieszyły się popularnością zarówno w dobie starożytnej, jak i nowożytnej.
EN
The ancient river name Κυμαῖος, attested in two inscriptions describing the boundaries of the Cretan cities Hierapytna and Lato, referred to a seasonal stream which is today called Kseropótamos (Mod. Gk. Ξεροπόταμος, literally ‘dry river’) or Fruzí Potamós (Mod. Gk. Φρουζή Ποταμός, literally ‘Fruzis’ river’). It is impossible to derive the ancient hydronym from the Greek appellative κῦμα (gen. sg. κύματος) n. (t-stem) ‘wave, billow’ because of formal reasons (it is not ‘a seething river’) as well as some problems connected with Ancient Greek word-formation (no traces of a t-stem are visible in the river name under analysis). The derivation from the Ancient Greek noun κύμη f. ‘a kind of cabbage’ is the most probable explanation. River names derived from plants were widespread in both ancient and modern times.
PL
Ngr. dial. (wsch.kret.) βέρα f. ‘rozejm, czasowe pogodzenie się, pojednanie’ uważa się dość powszechnie za wyraz pochodzenia południowosłowiańskiego, por. mac. vera, bułg. vjára ‘wiara, zaufanie’, pol. wiara (< psł. *věra). Gdyby kreteńsko-słowiańskie zestawienie było poprawne, to semantyka wyrazu kreteńskiego wskazywałaby na pośrednictwo wojskowe. Wyraz mógł być przejęty od słowiańskich żołnierzy zaciężnych, biorących udział w wyprawie zbrojnej Nikifora Fokasa przeciwko arabskiemu emiratowi na Krecie (960-961). Z drugiej jednak strony, dotychczasowi badacze pomijają milczeniem fakt, że wyraz kreteński βέρα może być z powodzeniem uważany za prawdopodobne zapożyczenie tureckie, por. osm. vère ‘kapitulacja, poddanie’. W nowogreckich zabytkach literackich XVIII i XIX w. pojawia się wyraz βέρα o tym samym znaczeniu (‘poddanie, kapitulacja’). Apelatyw rumuński veră ‘kapitulacja’ (brzmiący identycznie jak termin kreteński) został wyliczony wśród zapożyczeń tureckich. Także semantyka kreteńskiego słowa przemawia raczej za jego turecką, a nie słowiańską genezą.
EN
Mod. Gk. dial. (East Cretan) βέρα f. ‘armistice, truce, conciliation, reconciliation’ is usually treated as a borrowing from a South Slavic source, cf. Mac. vera, Bulg. vjára ‘faith, belief’, Pol. wiara (< Proto-Slavic *věra). If this connection would be correct, then the meaning of the Cretan word could suggest a military mediation. The word in question could be taken from Slavic mercenary soldiers, participating in the Cretan campaign of Nicefor II Fokas against the Muslim emirat of the island (960-961). On the other hand, most researchers ignore the fact that Cretan term βέρα may derive from Turkish vère ‘capitulation, surrender’. The word βέρα appears in the same meaning (‘surrender, capitulation’) in Modern Greek literary texts of the 18th and 19th c. AD. The Romanian appellative veră ‘capitulation’ (formally identical with the Cretan term βέρα) is listed among the obvious Turkish loanwords. Also the meaning of the Cretan word seems to suggest its Turkish origin (and not a Slavic one).
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