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“The Past is Still Alive”: The Czech anti-Austrian Resistance as Symbol and Matter of Politics (1918–1925)

100%
Mosković B., Hálek J.
Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.
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2019
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vol. 11
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issue 1
EN
The paper examines the ways in which the heritage of the Czech anti-Austrian resistance was used in the political practice of the First Czechoslovak Republic between 1918 and 1925. It focuses on the question of what specific aspects from the history of the anti-Austrian resistance during the First World War were used by individual political actors in their public activity and in the rivalry between political parties. These tendencies in the early period of the existence of the Czechoslovak Republic are examined with regard to the formation and establishment of the “Maffie” narrative, which after 1918 was supposed to symbolise and efficiently present the activities of the anti-Austrian resistance in the Czech lands. On the examples of the political campaigning of the Czechoslovak National Democratic Party led by Karel Kramář and the Czech National Socialist Party headed by Václav Klofáč, the authors analyse their different approach and often contradictory interpretation of the events of the “national revolution” of 1914-1918. The paper also presents the limitations of this presentation, as well as the gradual decrease of the instrumentalisation of the heritage of the Czech anti-Austrian resistance in the Czechoslovak political practice, which became fully evident as soon as the mid-1920s.
2

Parties, pirates and politicians: The 2014 European Parliamentary elections on Czech Twitter

100%
Hrdina M., Karaščáková Z.
Human Affairs
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2014
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vol. 24
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issue 4
437-451
EN
The ongoing expansion of new communication technologies is inseparably linked to the transformation of political communication. The new thinking behind communication is embedded directly in the code of popular social networks. Can a formal political party successfully implement a decentralized mode of communication based on personal connections and weak social ties, or is it against the very logic of both the hierarchical organizations and the technology itself? Our case study describes the vast spectrum of various types of behavior of political actors on Twitter through computer-assisted analysis of Twitter communication in Czech Republic before the elections to the European Parliament in May 2014. The research is based on the concept of connective action, as defined by Bennett and Segerberg. Preliminary results show an emerging typology of campaign strategies, from formal and centralized campaigns on one hand to various hybrid overlaps of traditional and new forms of communication on the other.
3

Populism as a Communication Strategy: A Case Study of the Freedom and Direct Democracy Party and Tomio Okamura

86%
Charvát J., Charvátová D., Niklesová E.
Communication Today
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2022
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vol. 13
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issue 2
106-121
EN
Democratic systems face several challenges, many of which are based on current societal sentiments. Western societies may enjoy life in prosperity but many of their citizens are dissatisfied as they live in fear of the future. While the established political parties are unable to respond effectively, populist parties work effectively with fear. Thus, populism has been on the rise. Although populism appears in the communication of parties at both ends of the left-right axis, in most cases it is associated with the extreme right. A key element in the success of populist parties is their communication strategy while social media have become an ideal platform for populist political communication. The single-country case study focuses on Czech politics, in which this area was occupied by the Freedom and Direct Democracy Party, led by Tomio Okamura. The study analyses the political communication of the party and of Okamura, especially its content and form.
4
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Směrem k principům populistické komunikace? Téma korupce ve volebních programech českých politických stran

86%
Naxera V.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2022
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vol. 58
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issue 2
181-204
EN
The article examines how use of the topic of corruption in the election manifestos of Czech political parties has transformed over the course of the entire post-communist period. The theoretical framework used to grasp the anti-corruption positions expressed in the manifestos is populism. The study builds on the discussions about mainstream political actors (not) adopting populist principles and on the methodological debate around the possibilities offered by populist communication research. Using a content analysis and the principle of triplets, the article analyses the election manifestos of all the parties that were successful in the parliamentary elections between 1990 and 2017 in order to determine whether there was a stronger presence of populist principles in communication on the topic of corruption. Among other things, the study shows that: (1) statements on corruption that are consistent with a populist communication strategy can be found in parties that are not commonly understood as populist throughout the entire researched period; (2) mainstream parties did not respond to the success of populists in the 2010, 2013, and 2017 elections by adopting populist principles; (3) the populists who won a share of power strengthened the elements of populist communication in the next election manifesto.
5
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Austro-German Liberalism and Bohemian State Rights, 1861-1879

72%
Kwan J.
Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.
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2016
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vol. 8
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issue 1
109-150
EN
This article aims to investigate the viewpoint of the Austro-German liberal movement – both ideologically and practically – towards the arguments for Bohemian state rights made by the conservative Bohemian Great Landowners and Czech political parties in the period from 1861 to 1879. The February Patent of 1861 is a convenient starting point because it reintroduced representative bodies to the Habsburg Monarchy and facilitated the development of modern democratic politics. The 1879 parliamentary election is this article’s end point since it constituted a significant turning point in Austrian and Bohemian politics. The Austro-German liberals lost the majority in central parliament while the conservative Bohemian Great Landowners and Czech parties attended parliament after a sixteen-year absence, joining the conservative-Slav coalition supporting the government. The principal argument is that while the Austro-German liberals (particularly the Bohemian-German faction) were generally opposed to Bohemian state rights, this must be qualified by the genuine desire for compromise (under certain conditions), considerable tactical flexibility and the wider Imperial context. Chronologically, the article focuses on key parliamentary debates to illustrate the changing relations: the fluid 1860s, the crucial period from 1867 to 1871 (when there was a real possibility of Bohemian state rights) through to the turning point of 1879.
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