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  1. 6 Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

  2. 2 Asian and African Studies

  3. 2 Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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  1. 3 Taterová E.

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1

DIPLOMAT A STRATÉG MILAN RASTISLAV ŠTEFÁNIK

100%
Musil M.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2010
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vol. 3
|
issue 2
132 – 139
EN
The article is focused on the diplomatic activities of M. R. Štefánik in the period of the World War I.
2

ŽENY A ŠTRUKTÚRA ČESKOSLOVENSKÉHO MINISTERSTVA ZAHRANIČIA

100%
Kičková A.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
|
2014
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vol. 18
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issue 1
15 – 22
EN
This article outlines the development of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ organizational structure since 1918. It is emphasing the participation of women in the Ministry.
3
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The Eastern Question in the Opinion of Spanish Diplomats during the Reign of Ferdinand VII (1808-1833)

100%
Jakobczyk-Adamczyk P.
Kwartalnik Historyczny
|
2008
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vol. 115
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issue 1
35-53
EN
Upon the threshold of the nineteenth century Turkey did not play a prominent role in Spanish foreign policy. Nonetheless, Madrid closely observed all the symptoms of a crisis in the East. Already at the time of Charles III, the Ottoman Empire was perceived as an essential element of balance in Europe. Political rapprochement produced the treaty of 1782, but interest in the situation in that particular region was also dictated by economic reasons and a project intent on increasing activity in the Mediterranean and Black Sea basins. The assessment of national movements emerging in the European part of Turkey depended on the current political situation in Spain. In the early years, the liberation strivings of the Greeks were looked upon with sympathy. The same approach prevailed during the liberal years of 1820-1823. After the restoration of absolutism, however, Spain announced that the Greek uprising was contrary to the principle of legitimism, and a threat to European peace and order. Spanish politicians were interested also in the international implications of the crisis in the East, especially once the states of the Holy Alliance recognised the necessity of intervening in questions relating to the Iberian Peninsula. The striking feature of the correspondence conducted by Spanish diplomats in Istambul is their uncritical opinions about the Russian policy with simultaneous antipathy and prejudice towards the British. The superficiality of such an appraisal was the outcome of the geographical and mental distance between Russia and Spain, and the ideological proximity between absolutist states. Suspicions of London grew primarily in connection with traditional maritime and colonial rivalry. In contrast to Great Britain, the tsarist empire was not seen as menacing for the position held by Spain. Consequently, Ferdinand VII regarded closer ties with Russia as a chance for strengthening his own power, restoring Spain's former status, recovering the colonies, and guaranteeing unhampered navigation on the Black Sea. The alliance did not yield the anticipated profits, and only facilitated signing a trade agreement wuth Turkey (1827). Its realisation, however, called for peace in the region, and Spanish diplomats began to link the threats facing it with the expansive policy pursued by Russia.
4
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Místo Maďarska v politických plánech velmocí na poválečné uspořádání střední a jihovýchodní Evropy, I.

100%
Imanova E.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2008
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vol. 94
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issue 2
231-267
EN
In the course of World War II, the three great powers, i.e. the United States of America, Great Britain and the Soviet Union, had a clear picture about the new world arrangement in both general and particular terms. The American conception was based on three aspects: forming a vital alliance of this space based on federation or confederation principles, minimisation of nationalistic antagonism by means of synchronising language and political barriers, or replacing the population and substituting dictator and authoritative interwar regimes by democratic systems. The future of Transylvania was regarded the most complicated issue, exceeding the significance of the entire region. Unlike the American and British post-war Central and South-East European concepts, the Soviet standpoint posed expansive strategic plans of a power, which considered this space a subject of its immediate strategic and security interest. Concerning the Hungarian border, the Soviet leaders struggled to restore the Trianon border, which was justified by Hungary's participation in the war.
5
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A ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE NAVY FOR THE FOREIGN POLICY (Rola i znaczenie Marynarki Wojennej w polityce zagranicznej panstwa)

100%
Wyszynski L.
Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW
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2010
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issue 2
259-276
EN
In the text, the author analyses role and significance of navy in the foreign policy. Taking into account the meaning of waters for the global economy and the specificity of the navy it is possible to define development and use of this kind of service as indispensable activity area of the state. The great value of the navy results from not only the meaning of water areas but also from the specificity of the navy. It evidences in large autonomy of vessels as well as in capability of acting in sea environment, land and air.
6
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Dwadzieścia lat od wznowienia stosunków dyplomatycznych pomiędzy Litwa i Polska

100%
Meilunas E.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2011
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issue 2(16)
11-26
EN
September 5 - Twenty years after the resumption diplomatic relations between Lithuania and the Polish. It is a good opportunity not only for joint celebrations, but also to the summary of this period in recent history, both in the life of each country, as well as in bilateral relations. But I think that centuries-old history of the Lithuanian-Polish cooperation is so unique that to assess the current state of relations and forming a vision future should be at least a cursory glance over the pages of a more distant the past.
7
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FOREIGN POLICY CONDITIONALITY OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC

100%
Żarna K.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2023
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vol. 12
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issue 2
34 – 42
EN
On January 1, 1993, as a result of the breakup of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republics, a new state was created on the political map of Europe: the Slovak Republic. The article deals with the foreign policy determinants of this state at the threshold of its establishment. An analysis is made of those determinants that had a key impact on the shape of foreign policy: the geographical environment, historical factors, the population factor, foreign services and diplomacy, and external conditions. Of greatest importance were historical factors, especially in the context of relations with Hungary, the deficit in foreign services and diplomatic personnel, which was of great significance in the context of creating foreign policy from scratch, and the multinational nature of the country. The article uses a comparative method and factor analysis.
8

SPORT AS PART OF THE AGREEMENTS BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND NON-MEMBER COUNTRIES

100%
Mancoš M.
Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)
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2021
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vol. 104
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issue spec. issue
44 - 59
EN
In connection with the development of sports policy and sports diplomacy of the European Union, it is important to explore the individual possibilities of using sport in foreign policy, public diplomacy, and the field of external relations. Recent advancements in the development of sports diplomacy and the use of sport as a tool in foreign policy suggests that cooperation in the field of sport will rarely be part of agreements between the EU and non-member countries. The aim of this paper is to identify references to sport and cooperation in the field of sport in the various agreements between the European Union and non-member countries and to subsequently identify the implementation and fulfilment of the provisions of these agreements. The paper shows that absence of references on cooperation in sport in the agreements between the EU and non-member countries are not an obstruction for cooperation in the mentioned area. There are many tools and means through which such cooperation between various actors from EU Member States and non-Member countries can take place.
9
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„Očista“ na ministerstvu zahraničních věcí po roce 1945. K poválečnému vyšetřování událostí spojených s okupací Česko-Slovenska

100%
Nemecek J.
Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)
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2008
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vol. 106
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issue 2
327-348
EN
This study describes the activities of the Investigative Committee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which after the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945 dealt with the issue of the conduct of Czechoslovak citizen-diplomats after the occupation of Bohemia and Moravia in March 1939, and the activities of Czechoslovak diplomats during the occupation. It had to assess the possibility of their return to an active Czechoslovak diplomatic service, or, in the cases of their wrong-doing, hand them over to the judicial system to face punishment.
10

FRANÇOIS DE TOTT (1733 – 1793). ŽIVOT A DIELO JEDNÉHO OSVIETENÉHO DIPLOMATA

100%
Horbulák Z., Tóth F.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2019
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vol. 67
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issue 2
215 - 239
EN
This study deals with François Baron de Tott (1733–1793), a French diplomat, general and writer. The paper is divided into three parts. In the first, we present the life of the baron, summarizing his positions, diplomatic missions and service to France, as well as his destiny as a representative of the second generation of exiles in France from the Rakoczi revolt who returned to the land of his ancestors. The following part is devoted to the origin of the baronʼs family. This research was done in Slovak archives to prove his Hungarian and Slovak roots. Finally, we analyse de Tottʼs Memoirs, which made the personality of the baron immortal, from the literary, historical, political and personal points of view.
11

Protesty przeciwko ACTA jako reakcja społeczeństw na niejawność dyplomacji

100%
Bielenia H.
Studia Podlaskie
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2013
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vol. 21
279-299
EN
Secrecy is commonly assumed as an inherent feature of diplomacy and today it is a part of many processes of real or potential danger for democracy. Transferring the competences of authorities at transnational level lets the democratic governments force even controversial laws that would be difficult to enact in parliament. The ACTA agreement is an example of such law. Its negotiations were plagued by documents leaking and signing the agreement in January 2012 caused massive protests across Europe. Attacks on the Internet sites as pressure or propaganda were used in the documents. Opposition to the whole secretive negotiations procedure was commonly known. Although the protesters did not allow to ACTA ratification, the change in negotiations was not possible. However, certain instruments of monitoring and protesting have been formed.
12
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Otázka personálního obsazení československého vyslanectví ve Vídni v letech 1932–1938

88%
Šepták M.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2012
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vol. 20
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issue 1
203-219
EN
Czechoslovak top foreign policy makers assigned great importance to the staffing of the country’s representation in Vienna. This, however, was not an easy task as there was a lack of suitable candidates. Initially, Tomáš G. Masaryk and Edvard Beneš selected for diplomatic positions in Czechoslovakia’s southern neighboring country prospective diplomats with a promising career in the future. In the 1930, contrary to that, Czechoslovakia was supposed to be represented in its southern neighboring country by experienced diplomats able to stay in their position for a couple of years and thus facilitate the continuity of staffing. These efforts, however, ultimately failed due to a number of unfavorable circumstances. In 1932, Zdeněk Fierlinger was appointed Czechoslovak Envoy to Vienna. However, due to his leftist orientation and extensive contacts with the Austrian Social Democrats, and later also due to his support of the leftist opponents of the conservative-authoritarian regime it was impossible to improve the mutual relations. After the Civil War in Austria the Ballhausplatz Office insisted on ending Fierlinger’s mission in Vienna, but Beneš resisted the pressure. Austria’s Foreign Office showed more or less interest in the major staff changes taking place in the Czechoslovak Legation in Austria. Owing to their well-informed Envoy Ferdinand Mark they were receiving many original reports, of which some were just based on unverified lobby talks. To summarize it can be said that except for Fierlinger, the Czechoslovak diplomats in the Austrian metropolis, owing to their professional qualities, could at least help create good neighborliness with Austria. Naturally, it was impossible for them to prevent the transfer of the Alpine country into the German sphere of influence during the period of strong activity of the “dynamic” authoritarian and totalitarian regimes.
13

EVOLUTION OF THE EUROPEAN UNINON´S DIPLOMATIC SERVICE IN THE PRE-LISBON PERIOD (1987-2009)

88%
Pajtinka E.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2020
|
vol. 13
|
issue 1
41 – 50
EN
This study aims to map the development of the European Union (EU)/European Community (EC) diplomatic service in the two decades leading up to the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon, which established the European External Action Service as the current form of the EU diplomatic service. It describes the most important milestones in the development of the EU/EC diplomatic service from 1987 to 2009, especially the 1989 unification of the formal status of all European Commission delegations, the 1993 institutional unification of delegations management through the establishment of a special Directorate-General for the Administration of Delegations within the European Commission organisation structure, the 1993 strengthening of the role of the European Commission delegations in traditional diplomatic tasks of the political arena, which resulted mainly from their closer cooperation with national diplomatic representations of the EU member states, introduced by the Treaty on EU and, finally, the establishment of an EU High Representative for the CFSP – the unofficial ‘EU Minister of Foreign Affairs’ – in 1999.
14

CZECHOSLOVAK-EGYPTIAN RELATIONS AT THE ONSET OF THE COLD WAR: THE WAY TO A PRAGMATIC PARTNERSHIP

88%
Taterová E.
Asian and African Studies
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2022
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vol. 31
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issue 2
318 – 339
EN
This study examines the turbulent development of Czechoslovak-Egyptian relations from 1948 to 1955. The initially rather strained relations in the late 1940s were replaced by a close partnership between the two countries that resulted in the development of various projects in the fields of political, economic, military, cultural, and scientific cooperation. Such a shift was encouraged both by the internal political changes in Egypt following the events of the July Revolution in 1952 led by the Free Officers Movement, and also by the changing priorities of the Eastern Bloc in the Middle East and North Africa. Czechoslovakia as a Soviet satellite echoed to some extent Soviet attitudes towards the region. The detailed examination of Czech archival sources confirms the importance of Czechoslovak involvement in Egypt at the onset of the Cold War for the whole Eastern Bloc, as in the 1950s Czechoslovakia was not only able to use its former experience and contacts in the country to become one of the most active socialist countries in the area but these activities also had a significant international impact on both the contemporary political situation in the region and the development of the Cold War rivalries that later escalated during the famous Suez Crisis (1956).
15
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OBSAZOVÁNÍ BISKUPSKÝCH STOLCŮ V HABSBURSKÉ MONARCHII NA PŘELOMU 19. A 20. STOL. NA PŘÍKLADU OLOMOUCKÉHO ARCIBISKUPSTVÍ PO REZIGNACI ARCIBISKUPA KOHNA

88%
Jonová J.
Studia theologica
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2012
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vol. 14
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issue 1
40–64
EN
Representatives of secular power were always interested in retaining control over the occupation of the Episcopal See. This was also true in the Habsburg monarchy, where the bishops were appointed by the Emperor and the Pope had to either confirm or not confirm the candidate proposed by the Emperor. The Archdiocese of Olomouc was a special case. The chapter of Olomouc had the privilege of free election of the Archbishops, who were either elected from the canons of the chapter or the canons postulated another candidate. During the last truly free election, Archbishop Theodor Kohn was elected. His episcopate was not particularly successful and he had to resign (1904). During the negotiations concerning his resignation, The Holy See and government in Vienna began to look for a suitable candidate for the vacant see. Both sides agreed on Bishop Bauer, who was consequently appointed archbishop of Olomouc. After the death of Archbishop Bauer (died 1915), the Archbishop of Prague Skrbenský was postulated to the post of Archbishop of Olomouc.
16

PŘÍSTUP ČESKOSLOVENSKÉ DIPLOMACIE K IZRAELI V LETECH 1960–1967

88%
Taterová E.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2018
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vol. 66
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issue 4
671 - 700
EN
The article aims to describe the mutual political and diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and the State of Israel in 1960–1967. The period of the 1960s in Czechoslovakia was characterized by a partial liberalization and relaxation of the communist regime in various areas such as politics, economy and culture and so on. This process culminated in the well-known Prague Spring of 1967–1968. By using concrete examples, the author explains whether these changes were reflected by Czechoslovak diplomacy in its attitude towards Israel in any way. Special attention is given to Czechoslovak views on Adolf Eichmann’s trial in Jerusalem in 1962, and to the events of the Six Days War in 1967 that led to the official dissolution of Czechoslovak-Israeli diplomatic relations.
17
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POLAND - GERMANY: SOFT POWER TOOLS IN FOREIGN POLICY (Polska - Niemcy: narzedzia miekkiej sily w polityce zagranicznej)

75%
Ociepka B.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2011
|
issue 2(339)
47-63
EN
The article presents Polish-German relations following the treaty on good neighbors and friendly cooperation from the perspective of a growing importance of soft power tools used by both countries in their mutual relations. In the last twenty years, due to changes in the international milieu, Germany and Poland developed the traditional tools of cultural diplomacy and introduced new concepts of public diplomacy. The new tools employed by Germany involve foreign image policy which is a manifestation of the economization of this country's foreign policy. The significance of Poland as the target country of German cultural diplomacy is currently smaller than at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. In Poland, promotional activities connected with economic transformation have led to the formulation of the conception of public diplomacy, with Germany as one of the target countries. The article refers to the notion of soft power in the interpretation proposed by J. Nye.
18

CZECHOSLOVAK-IRANIAN RELATIONS IN 1968 – 1978: COOPERATION ACROSS THE COLD WAR BARRIERS

75%
Taterová E., Struhárová A.
Asian and African Studies
|
2024
|
vol. 33
|
issue 1
117 - 139
EN
This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Iran during the period of 1968 – 1978. Despite being aligned with opposing superpower alliances during the Cold War, the two countries established a pragmatic partnership in the 1960s that persisted even after the Prague Spring of 1968 had been terminated by the invasion by the Warsaw Pact armies. The subsequent political developments in Czechoslovakia, characterized by a process known as normalization, aimed to curtail reforms and reinforce the dominant role of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. However, this ideological framework was not fully applied to the relations with Iran under the royal regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. On the contrary, Czechoslovakia and Iran experienced flourishing economic and cultural exchanges. In particular, important official visits took place, involving also the heads of state, to publicly demonstrate the strength of the mutual partnership. Nonetheless, this cooperation was ultimately disrupted by the fall of the Shah's regime in the wake of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. This research draws primarily on hitherto underexploited archival documents from the relevant Czech archives, offering a Czechoslovak perspective on the development of mutual relations between the two countries.
19

DIPLOMAT IN THE SERVICE OF HUNGARIAN KINGS. ACTIVITY OF THE BISHOP OF NITRA ANTONIUS DE SANKFALWA AT THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES

75%
Hlaváčková M.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2011
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vol. 59
|
issue suppl. issue
3 – 24
EN
The ecclesiastical dignitary Antonius de Sankfalwa (from Sankovce) started his diplomatic career as a canon in Oradea (Magnovaradinum, Nagyvarad, Veľký Varadín, Gross-Wardein). The king entrusted him with ever more demanding diplomatic tasks. Together with the Archbishop of Esztergom Vitez, he secured the return of the Crown of St. Stephen to Hungary in 1463. He was sent also to the courts of Italian rulers and to France, Poland and Germany. In 1486, King Matthias Corvinus appointed him as a Provost of Bratislava, and in 1490 Vladislas II made him Bishop of Nitra. Antonius de Sankfalwa fully applied his education in canon law, gained at the University of Padua, in the field of marriage law. In Rome, he had to prove the invalidity of Vladislav’s marriage, not only with Beatrix of Aragon, but also with Barbara of Brandenburg. Evidence of Antonius’ activities survives from the period of his work in Bratislava and Nitra. He was involved in canon law, organizational and pastoral activities. He held a diocesan synod at Nitra in 1494. Its conclusions provide information about the problems of the Catholic Church at the end of the 15th century. He founded an altar of St. Antony in Nitra Cathedral and gave his house in Buda and vineyard on Zobor to support it. Bishop Antonius made his last diplomatic journey in 1499 to the Imperial Diet at Worms.
20

K OTÁZKE UZNANIA SLOVENSKÉHO ŠTÁTU (SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY) NÓRSKYM KRÁĽOVSTVOM, 1939 –1940

75%
Jakubec P.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2013
|
vol. 61
|
issue 1
121 – 141
EN
A recognition is one of the legal acts which permit a new state to enter the international community as a full partner. It establishes normal relations between two states as a precondition of their mutual communication in politics, as well as in economics and other fields. Thus, swift recognition by as many states as possible is the first task of every newly established foreign ministry. As early as 15 March 1939, the Slovak foreign ministry notified its prospective counterparts about the birth of the Slovak State. The Norwegian foreign ministry was to make a stand on recognition. Due to the tense international situation on the eve of WWII, this turned into a lengthy process of consideration, complicated even more by the outbreak of the war in September 1939. Early in April 1940, Norway was about to give a de facto recognition. However, the Nazi invasion in the same month stopped the action, which, nonetheless, somewhat disturbed the initial contacts between Norwegian and Czechoslovak exile representations.
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