This paper describes a focus-related phenomenon that has not been discussed in the literature to date: the case in which a negated focus is preceded by a question word. The circumstances of its emergence are clarified and the conditions of its occurrence are stated: only discourse-bound question words can figure in such constructions, and it seems to be probable that the reason why multiple foci occurring in positive sentences differ from focus in negative wh-questions is that Hungarian surface sentences must exactly reflect semantic (scope) relations. If the verb were to precede a negated focus, scope problems corroborated by independent evidence would result. It is furthermore explored how the subsystems of grammar force the single possible solution to emerge. Applying a 'copy and deletion' type of movement operations, a better account can be provided for why and how the form of a sentence that serves as a basis for logico-semantic interpretation differs from its phonetic implementation. Finally, a brief overview of possibilities of responses to (multiple) question + negated focus sentences is provided - with the consequence that interesting relationships can be found between the occurrence of contrastive topic and contrastive focus.
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