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De Facto States and Democracy: The Case of Abkhazia

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EN
De-facto states constitute an interesting and important anomaly in the international system of sovereign states. No matter how successful and efficient in the administration of their territories they are, they fail to achieve international recognition. In the past, their claims for independence were based primarily on the right to national self-determination, historical continuity and claim for a remedial right to secession, based on alleged human-rights violations. Since 2005, official representatives of several de facto states have repeatedly emphasised the importance of democracy promotion in their political entities. A possible explanation of this phenomenon dwells in the belief that those states which have demonstrated their economic viability and promote the organization of a democratic state should gain their sovereignty. This article demonstrates the so called “democracy-for-recognition strategy” in the case study of Abkhazia. On the basis of the field research in Abkhazia we identify factors that promote, as well as those that obstruct the democratisation process in the country.
EN
One of the key problems of many sociological regression models is their modest explanatory power. This has not only to do with the insufficient development of the underlying theories but also with the free will of the concerned social actors, which manifests itself in irrational, spontaneous, and sometimes even arbitrary decisions. The foreign and economic policy of the US government under Donald Trump is an excellent example of this source of indeterminacy. An alternative and more promising approach is an explanation of the constraints of social behaviour by the unequal distribution of power resources and the competing interests of the actors concerned. This approach requires, on the one hand, enough observational data which include cases that reached the analysed constraints. On the other hand, there is a need for statistical procedures which estimate and explain these constraints. Assuming that sufficient amounts of data are available, this paper proposes the use of sequential OLS regressions, which eliminate step by step non-critical observations in order to identify the cases that reached the mentioned constraints. For illustrative purposes, the author analyses the policy space of anti-democratic regimes with regard to their possibilities of curbing democracy. On the basis of the democracy scores of Freedom House, the author explores the governmental constraints set by (i) national civil societies and (ii) international NGOs for the promotion of political/civil rights. The related sequential regressions allow for an assessment of how effective the different constraints are and how far democracy may deteriorate in the worst case under given structural conditions.
EN
The fall of Communism in the Central and Eastern European countries in the year 1989, was a historical change had occurred after the demise of communism. The decline of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 was one of the most important proceedings of the period: the conclusive end of the Cold War and the Iron Curtain. After the disintegration of the former USSR, the Eastern bloc had started the modernisation of institutions and adopted the norms of democracy. The third wave of democratisation of Samuel P. Huntington’s theory would apply the democratic changes in Central and Eastern Europe and Romania as well. It traces the discussions and opinions of institutional and political development in Romania with special attention to the events around 1989 Post-communism and Eastern enlargement of the European Union. The paper assesses the role of the European Union to promote democratization through Eastern neighbour policy. The paper broadly discusses the institutional and political development in Romania and the role of Copenhagen criteria and the country’s accession to the EU in early 2007. The result of this article is that Romania has successfully integrated into the European Union but that democratization is declining in the country.
EN
The formation of a favourable business environment and the intensification of entrepreneurial activity on this basis is one of the priorities of economic policy of governments around the world. The aim of this article is to conduct a comparative analysis of some of the characteristics of the business environment of Georgia and Ukraine. The theoretical basis of the study is the understanding of the business environment as a necessary prerequisite for the implementation of entrepreneurial initiatives in a particular country. In the process of our research, the following methods were used: comparative analysis, generalisation, content analysis, correlation, and regression analysis. The authors studied the business environment of Georgia and Ukraine on the basis of an analysis of the following components; that of general economic, political and legal, financial, and fiscal. The results of the study show that Georgia's business environment is more favourable than Ukraine's. It is noted that between 2011-2020, Georgia made significant progress in the fight against corruption, in simplifying the procedures for starting a business, and bettering access to finance. Both countries are reforming their tax systems towards liberalisation and democratisation, and they declare the functioning of special tax regimes. According to the Paying Taxes indicator, which is calculated within the Doing Business rating, Georgia improved its result from 61st position in the ranking in 2011 to 14th position in 2020, while Ukraine improved its result from 181st place in 2011 to 65th place in 2020. It is indicated that between 2011-2020, Ukraine showed significant positive dynamics in inflation targeting. The authors note that the weakest elements of the business environment in Ukraine are its efforts to ensure the independence of the judiciary and the fight against corruption. In conclusion, the authors note that the policy of the governments of Georgia and Ukraine should be aimed at the further democratisation of relations with businesses in order to increase the level of a favourable business environment.
PL
Przemiany polityczne w Rumunii zapoczątkowane w 1989 roku, po śmierci Nicole Ceausescu. Artykuł opisuje i analizuje dynamikę zmian instytucjonalnych i zachowań w procesach politycznych zachodzących w Rumunii po 1989 r. Artykuł koncentruje się na ramach konstytucyjnych najważniejszych instytucji. Autor analizuje rozumienie podejść teoretycznych do zmian politycznych i instytucjonalnych w kraju, a także ewolucję organów ustawodawczych, wykonawczych i sądownictwa – trzech filarów demokracji. Artykuł prezentuje jak partie polityczne uczestniczące w wyborach tworzą rząd i omawia stabilność instytucji. Artykuł analizuje podstawy instytucjonalne koalicji rządowej w latach 1990–2020 w okresie post-komunistycznej demokracji w Rumunii. Artykuł zaczyna się od przedstawienia założenia ram instytucjonalnych, iż systemy wyborcze oraz zapisy konstytucji dotyczące podziału władzy, struktury i relacji pomiędzy parlamentem a prezydentem determinują punkt rozproszenia lub koncentracji władzy w systemie politycznym.
EN
The political development of Romania started after the death of Nicole Ceausescu in 1989. The article describes and analyses institutional and behavioural dynamics of the political processes that have occurred in Romania since 1989. This article focuses on the constitutional framework of governing institutions. This paper tries to explore the understanding of theoretical approaches to political and institutional development in the country. It examines the evolution of legislative, executive, and judiciary bodies. These are the three pillars of democracy. The article discusses how political parties participating in elections, form a government and will look at the stability of the institutions. This article examines institutional foundations of the coalition government in the 1990–2020 post-communist democracy period in Romania. The article starts with the institutional framework premise that electoral systems and constitutional provisions on the division of powers, structure, and the relationship between parliament and the president determines the point at which political power can be dispersed or concentrated in the political system.
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