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VOLEBNÉ INŽINIERSTVO PRI VOĽBÁCH DO NR SR

100%
Drengubiak M.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 2
47 – 62
EN
The study focuses on the issues pertaining to the electoral engineering. Its aim is to clarify and resolve the imprecisions of the terminology referring to the changes of the legislature concerning the election process, while specifying four types of changes. The classification is subsequently applied in the analysis of the changes of the legislature concerning the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic since 1989 to this day.
2
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ELECTORAL QUOTAS IN THE ITALIAN LEGAL SYSTEM (Kwoty wyborcze we wloskim systemie prawnym)

100%
Olivetti M.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2011
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issue 1(102)
71-83
EN
Parliamentary electoral system, established in Italy in 1948, was based on proportional representation for both chambers of parliament. In 1993 this system was abrogated by virtue of the provisions of Laws No. 276 and 277, and a mixed substantially majoritarian system was introduced. A new modification of electoral system was made in 2005 when Law No. 270 was adopted and the return to proportionality, although with a majority premium, took place. The majority premium consists of giving a premium in seats to the (party) list having obtained the highest number of votes throughout the entire country in the election to the Chamber of Deputies and - in a regional level - in the election to the Senate. At the same time, in Italy five abrogative referendums were held, on application of citizens, in relation to laws governing general or local elections. In the first half of the 1990s, in the wake of the debate about gender issues, there appeared in the course of political debate the problem of equal opportunities of men and women and ways of counteracting the inadequate representation of women in political bodies chosen in general and direct elections (municipal, provincial and regional councils and national parliament). The article contains description of various techniques aimed at increasing women's participation in political institutions. The author identifies two stages in search for solutions to the problem: the years 1993-1995 and the years 2001-2010. At the first stage, the following types of regulations were applied: 1) political parties were legally obliged to submit electoral lists containing certain minimum percentage of candidates of both men and women, however this system of reservation on electoral lists of a particular quota for women did not guaranteed their election; 2) granting of quotas on the closed electoral lists with an obligation to arrange electoral lists that would include both men and women alternately, which guaranteed some 'quota' of seats for each of them. However, this system was challenged by the Italian Constitutional Court which found the above-mentioned provisions concerning the so-called 'electoral quotas' to be unconstitutional and, hence, they were deleted from the legal system. The judgment was criticized by those political groups which, in the Constitutional Law No. 3 of 2001, had adopted a constitutional provision which requires that 'regional laws shall remove any hindrances to the full equality of men and women in social, cultural and economic life and promote equal access to elected offices for men and women', and added - in the Constitutional Law No. 1 of 2003 -that 'to this end, the republic adopts specific measures in order to promote equal chances for men and women.' Thereby, an obligation to promote equal chances of men and women at both regional and national level was confirmed. The above-mentioned amendments preceded the second stage of search for adequate solutions. In Valle d'Aosta a regional law was adopted in 2002 that prohibited against the creation of electoral lists containing candidates of only one sex. The government of the Republic brought the law to the Constitutional Court, which however did not share the government's arguments, drastically changing its attitude to electoral quotas comparing with the Court's judgment of 1995. This meant, first of all, its approval of the possibility of regulation of electoral quotas by both regional laws (Valle d'Aosta, Calabria, Marche, Abruzzo, Sicily) and national laws. In 2009, the question of electoral quotas was inventively treated by the regional council of Campania (in regional law No. 4 of 2009), by making reference to electoral quotas in the context of both the right to vote and the right to be elected. That solution was a new approach. The law was brought by the government of the Republic to the Constitutional Court, which did not agree with the government and found the law to be constitutional.
3
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IDEA POMERNÉHO ZASTÚPENIA

100%
Dančišin V.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2014
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vol. 3
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issue 1
59 – 63
EN
The author analyses the origin of idea of proportional representation. The study focuses on origins of two basic forms of proportional representation electoral systems – Party-list Proportional System and Single Transferable Vote System. The article also focuses on the way the idea of proportional representation was introduced into practice.
4
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PROBLEM OF PARITY MEN AND WOMEN IN RELATION TO LISTS OF CANDIDATES TO AUSTRIAN PARLIAMENT (Problem parytetu plci na listach kandydatow do parlamentu Austrii)

100%
Haumer V.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2011
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issue 1(102)
85-97
EN
The introduction of the requirement for a particular percentage of women on the electoral lists in elections to parliament causes problems in the context of both EU law and national law. As gender parity would violate the principle of equality, the right to equal and free elections, as well as the general principle of democracy, its inconformity with the constitution must be recognized. Legal and political assessment of gender parity is, generally, the matter of individual choice. In the author's opinion, however, one should not consider this regulation (based on presented arguments) as a step ahead in the process of granting equal rights to women and men. Women would thereby be reduced to gender and men discriminated on the ground of gender. Increased women's representation in parliament would be in interest of all political parties. However, the accomplishment of those political claims in Austria must comply with the provisions of constitutional law. If the requirement of parity of men and women would be introduced, we have to wait for the result of the possible review thereof by an appropriate constitutional court.
5
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CRIMES AND OFFENCES AGAINST ELECTORAL STATUTE REGULATING ELECTIONS TO DISTRICT OR COUNTY COUNCILS AND VOIVODESHIP PARLIAMENTS (Przestepstwa i wykroczenia przeciw wyborom w ordynacji wyborczej do rad gmin, rad powiatów i sejmików województw)

100%
Sobczak W.
Ius Novum
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2009
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issue 4
57-76
EN
Penal regulations of the act of 16 July, 1998, Electoral statute regulating elections to district or county councils and voivodeship parliaments, are contained in part VII article 199 - 203 of the above mentioned act. Ten crimes and eight offences were classified there. It is worth mentioning here that the extensiveness of penal regulations contained in the act signifies an emerging tendency to criminalize elections law in recent years. During the analysis of penal regulations of the Electoral statute regulating elections to district or county councils and voivodeship parliaments, it becomes evident that there is a tendency to criminalize the behavior which is in conflict with the principles of the elections law. It is a rational and disciplinary phenomenon. However, it can also be observed that there is a lack of consistence in the casuistic attitude. It seems that it is high time the legislature, striving after the clarity and transparency of the legal system, gave up the criminalization of electoral behavior which is in conflict with law defined in the acts regulating the principles and the course of elections and decided to include the discussed regulations in the criminal code. The tendency to elaborate penal regulations which are not a part of a code does not seem to be appropriate, although it attracts the legislature as it seems to be simpler and easier to introduce potential changes in them.
6
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VYBORY JAK INSTRUMENT PERECHODU DO DEMOKRATYJI V ČESIJ RESPUBLYCY

88%
Holechek R.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2018
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vol. 7
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issue 1
60 – 67
EN
This article is devoted to the topic of the analysis of the electoral system in the Czech Republic. Despite that initially, there have been such rules in the electoral law that complied with international election process standards of organising and conducting democratic elections, there are several drawbacks in it. It concerns, first of all, the formula of transferring electors’ votes into deputy’s seats. Such a situation stimulates the Czech political elite to the discussion regarding the search for optimal election system model.
7
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Teorie reálné kvóty, alternativní přístup k měření volební proporcionality

88%
Lebeda T.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2006
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vol. 42
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issue 4
657-681
EN
The article exposes the problems connected with defining and measuring the proportionality of election results. It presents current and predominant methods used to measure proportionality and points to some possible alternative approaches to understanding and measuring proportionality. Current discourse gives priority to measuring proportionality using one of two basic methods for determining the proportional division of seats: quotas and largest remainders. Proportionality measured using these formulae is based on the principle of summing up the absolute differences between the share of votes and the share of seats. These measurement methods are known for their ability to best assess election results attained with the aid of the Hare quota and the largest remainders method. The article therefore presents an alternative approach in the 'real quota theory', which provides the theoretical bases for constructing a new RR index and its derivatives the ARR and the SRR indices. This approach to measurement is tied to the principle of dividing seats using the highest averages method, that is, the d'Hondt divisor. These new indices are defined as alternatives to traditional indices of proportionality.
8

NÁRODNÁ RADA SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY V PARLAMENTNEJ FORME VLÁDY

75%
Nikodým D.
Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)
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2015
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vol. 98
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issue 6
571 - 589
EN
The author refers to the development of the political scene since 1989 to these days. Regular rotation of coherent poliltical partes in theNational Council has not been apparent in individual electoral terms; many of them have even shown signs of fragmentation. In the current electoral term the left-wing party is homogenous, while the righ-wing parties are fragmented. The author refers to problems of the electoral sytem, which does not guarantee an adequate representation of candidates from different regions in the electorial district. He recommends considering the adoption of a mixed electoral system or the establishment of the second, regional chamber of parliament. He refers also to the functioning of the political system in democratic foreign countries, taking into account the classification of democratic regimes, which are applied in conditions of competitive democracy or its antipole - consociational democracy. Further, the author addresses the issue of weakness in the legal regulation of referendum in terms of its legal effects, participation of interst groups in the law-making and participation of citizens in elections and makes suggestions for treatment of de lege ferenda.
9
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GEOGRAFICKÁ REPREZENTATIVITA POSLANCOV NR SR ZVOLENÝCH V PODMIENKACH JEDNÉHO VOLEBNÉHO OBVODU

75%
Madleňák T.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2019
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vol. 51
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issue 5
483 – 501
EN
The article identifies and analyses the patterns of political representation of the regions of Slovakia in terms of the functioning of the proportional electoral system with only one electoral district for the whole country. In this system, the representation of the region of the capital city, which is several times higher than the representation of other regions, dominates significantly. At the same time, a Western-Eastern gradient was identified in the regional political representation pattern, where the more economically developed western part of the country is politically much better represented than the peripheral regions of eastern Slovakia. The impact of a single electoral district is relevant in the geographical context as well as in significant centralization of the political power within the party-political system.
10

Ewolucja systemu partyjnego Republiki Mołdawii w latach 1992–2010

63%
Kotulewicz K.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2012
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issue 894
5-23
EN
The article presents basic information on the party system of the Republic of Moldova and outlines the main features of that system by providing the constitutional and legal basis for the activities of political parties, the regulation of the electoral system, and presenting the elements affecting its development in light of the results of parliamentary elections in the past two decades. Moldova is a multi-party system currently consisting of 31 political parties, from which only the large ones hold a realistic chance of victory in parliamentary elections. This has an impact on the existing proportional electoral system. Frequent changes to both the size of the election threshold and electoral geography are important aspects of the development of the party system in Moldova.
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