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PARADOXES AND (NON)PARADOXES: THE COMMUNITY OF THE BULGARIAN SLOVAKS

100%
Pencev V.
Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)
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2007
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vol. 55
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issue 1
5-18
EN
Since recently, Bulgarian ethnology has been dominated by three major problems: community, ethnicity and identity. What is peculiar in this context is not the very study of the ethnic and religious communities as such but the methods applied to examine them. On the one hand, a nearly mass interest has been focused on the Turkish and Roma ethnic communities; on the other hand, to the Muslim religious groups have been given a great attention as well. The attempts to study other communities settled in the Bulgarian ethnic territory, whether in the past or only recently, are rather sporadic. This study deals with the specific aspects of identity of a small but unique community living in this territory. In this case, the very interest in the Slovak community is not an anti-thesis but an example of a different attitude to the issue. The Slovak ethnic group in Bulgaria consisted of approximately 1,300 -2,000 people. Their life changed entirely between 1945 and 1949, when an overwhelming majority of Slovaks returned from Bulgaria back to their motherland. They left either on their own will or followed an appeal issued by the Czechoslovak Republic calling all emigrants to return back home. At the end of the 1940s, when the re-emigration process was ended up, the Slovak ethnic diaspora in the Bulgarian territory practically ceased to exist. Verbal art, songs, music and dances, rituals, beliefs, and all other elements of folk tradition serving as pillars supporting ethnic awareness in the 'Bulgarian' Slovaks were weakened. Although Slovak was the language of communication in the domestic sphere, it gradually incorporated the elements of Bulgarian into its structures. However, it has always retained its function, is still alive and used in everyday interactions. Moreover, several of its unique features have been preserved by the re-emigrants. In the past, the important role was also played by the schools, sports clubs, theatre groups and other societies. Nowadays, the Slovak ethnic community in Bulgaria can be referred to as the dispersed diaspora.
2

Net span of holes. Inter-household supporting network among Roma and non-Roma poor

88%
Messing V.
Szociologiai Szemle (Sociological Review)
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2006
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vol. 16
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issue 2
37-56
EN
The study analyses inter-household supporting networks among impoverished Roma and non-Roma households. The author concentrates on one dimension of relationships: what material and non-material relationships support the subsistence of poor households. Due to the datasets in reach-characteristics of supporting relationships of the total population, the circumstances of similarly impoverished Roma and non-Roma people may be compared. The most remarkable result of the research is that non-Roma poor households are significantly richer in their supporting network than Roma ones. Moreover, the characteristics of supporting inter-household networks of the Roma depend largely on their regional location as well as on ethnic identity, history and the traditions of inter-ethnic relations of the given region. As a conclusion the author formulates further research questions, the analyses of which may lead closer to the understanding of the diversity and different subsistence strategies of the population categorized as Roma.
3
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SERBS AND ETHNIC HUNGARIANS IN VOJVODINA: ETHNIC CONFLICT PLACED WITHIN A FRAMEWORK BEYOND GROUPISM

88%
Petsinis V.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2008
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vol. 40
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issue 3
258-277
EN
What will be discussed in this article is the pattern of ethnic relations in the Serbian autonomous province of Vojvodina, with a special focus on the relations between ethnic Hungarians and the Serbian majority. Particular attention will be paid to the political engineering of ethnicity, at the elite level, and ethnic relations from a grass-roots perspective. What will be demonstrated is that instead of focusing on internally homogeneous and externally demarcated ethnic groups, the function of ethnicity in Vojvodina can be understood in terms of a continuous process orchestrated by interest groups. The ultimate aim of these interest groups, or organizations, is to forge an overriding sense of group cohesion among the Serbian majority as well as the ethnic Hungarian community. The impact of this process on ethnic relations is always subject to the persistence of a trans-ethnic substratum that manifests itself in the form of Vojvodinian regional identity.
4
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Wielokulturowość i jej socjologiczny sens. Festival Caravan czy wielokulturowe Street Party?

63%
Śliz A., Szczepanski M. S.
Studia Socjologiczne
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2011
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issue 4(203)
7-25
XX
Intensyfikacja rozważań związanych ze zjawiskiem wielokulturowości przypada na początek lat siedemdziesiątych XX wieku. Szczególną wtedy rolę odgrywały środowiska intelektualne i polityczne Kanady i Australii, państw jednoznacznie deklarujących gotowość do konsekwentnej realizacji polityki wielokulturowości. Porażka ideologii asymilacyjnych w USA przyczyniła się do powstania wielu publikacji dotyczących wielokulturowości. Wielokulturowość ma wiele wymiarów, a dwa z nich opisał Janusz Mucha. Pierwszy to wielokulturowość etniczna, czyli identyfikacja oparta na cechach wynikających z dziedzi- ctwa przeszłości, a drugi – nieetniczna, stanowiącą rezultat demokratyzacji życia społecznego. W podobnym duchu utrzymany jest podział autorstwa Stanleya Fisha na: silny multikultura- lizm (strong multiculturalism) oraz butikowy multikulturalizm (boutique multiculturalism). Przyjęcie takich wymiarów wielokulturowości uświadamia nam, że zjawisko to jest wszechobecne. Kontakt i przenikanie się różnych tradycji, wzorów, systemów myślowych oraz stosunku do świata, Boga i ludzi stał się czymś nieodwołalnym i nieuchronnym we współczesnym świecie.
EN
The contemporary debate on multiculturalism began at the beginning of the 1970s, but only on the territory of Canada and Australia. The failure of assimilation ideologies in the USA was the major cause of publication of many papers on multiculturalism, which was perceived as a panacea to any ethnic and cultural issues. Contemporary multiculturalism has many faces, two of which were described by in Janusz Mucha. He distinguishes the ethnic multiculturalism, namely the identification based on characteristics derived from historical heritage, and the non-ethnic one, resulting from democratization of social life. Similarly, Stanley Fish proposes a division into strong multiculturalism and boutique multiculturalism, the latter being characterized by its superficial or cosmetic relationship to the object of its affection. Acceptance of two different ways of understanding multiculturalism makes us realize that it is becoming more and more pervasive. Relations and interference of different traditions, patterns, ways of thinking and attitudes towards the world, God and other people have become something inevitable and irrevocable in contemporary reality.
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