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EN
In later years after annexation of Crimea, ongoing conflict in Ukraine and Brexit defence is the most discussed issue among politicians and on mass media, because the main question is how to secure European Union (EU) from potential external aggression of Russia? Concerning defence of Europe, we need to take in to the consideration not only North Atlantic Treaty organization (NATO), but also EU Common Security and Defence policy (CSDP). NATO has a major impact on its member states – mostly European countries, but at same time a significant role in European security and defence should be given to CSDP. In Latvia’s case defence policy is based on NATO and most of the case studies about Latvian defence are related to NATO role, but at same time, because of changing threats for EU, it is necessary to pay more attention to CSDP role and impact on Latvia’s defence. Therefore, this paper will describe Europeanisation from theoretical perspective by focusing on top-down Europeanisation, it will provide a historical background of EU CSDP and analysis top-down Europeanisation impact on the Latvian defence policy. This paper is based on Europeanisation theoretical framework, analysis of Latvian national security and defence strategic documents, Latvian legal acts concerning defence, data about Latvian participation in EU missions and Battle groups etc
EN
Among the many issues that were raised in the White Book on National Security of the Republic of Poland (WBNSRP), there were also those related to the functioning of a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Its importance for the security of Poland was indicated, as well as the need on the part of EU Member States to broaden collaboration in the sphere of security and defence. The key problems occurring in the context of CSDP were also emphasised and their causes indicated. The aim of the article is to present the factors responsible for the weakening of CSDP effectiveness, ones taken into account in the White Book, and subsequently to present a Framework for their analysis in the light of further scholarship.
EN
This paper is dedicated to the involvement of Poland in the European Union’s military operations in Africa in the 2010s. The development of military capabilities is not one of the European Union’s priorities. Nevertheless, the EU is an active participant of the international communities’ efforts to aid African states, including the use of armed forces. The vast majority of such EU missions have been undertaken in Africa. Despite the fact that this region is not a priority of Poland’s foreign and security policies, Poland has actively participated in such actions, primarily due to the peculiarities of contemporary security threats and Poland’s approach to the process of European integration. However, after initial experiences, Poland limited its involvement, due to the limited impact on the achievement of national objectives related to the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. This has been reflected in both official documents and political practice associated with deploying troops on foreign soil. The author sets forth a thesis that these limitations are too substantial, and that there are reasons for greater Polish involvement in the European Union’s military missions.
EN
With the 2019 EU–China Strategic Outlook, the EU has revalidated its dual perspective on China as cooperation partner and strategic competitor at the same time. So far, considerations of China in EU and EU Member States have primarily focused on economic questions. However, as China‘s foreign policy becomes more assertive and visible via military deployments in the EU‘s geopolitical neighbourhood, the EU needs to confront this challenge by giving appropriate and concrete political responses in a geostrategic context as well. Based on the concept of „coopetition“, this article provides an analysis and subsequent recommendations on how the EU can integrate the “China factor” in its Common Security and Defence Policy, while ensuring that a balance of cooperation and competition in EU’s China policy is retained.
PL
Poprzez UE–Chiny perspektywę strategiczną na 2019 rok, UE ponownie potwierdziła swoje podwójne spojrzenie na Chiny jako partnera do współpracy i konkurenta strategicznego. Jak dotąd rozważania dotyczące Chin w obrębie Unii Europejskiej i jej państw członkowskich koncentrowały się głównie na kwestiach gospodarczych. Ale ponieważ polityka zagraniczna Chin staje się coraz bardziej asertywna i widoczna dzięki rozmieszczeniom wojskowym w geopolitycznym sąsiedztwie UE, Unia musi stawić czoła temu wyzwaniu, udzielając odpowiednich i konkretnych odpowiedzi politycznych również w kontekście geostrategicznym. W oparciu o koncepcję „koopetycji” niniejszy artykuł zawiera analizę i kolejne zalecenia dotyczące tego, w jaki sposób UE może włączyć „czynnik Chin” do swojej wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony, zachowując jednocześnie równowagę współpracy i konkurencji w polityce wobec Chin.
EN
Poprzez UE–Chiny perspektywę strategiczną na 2019 rok, UE ponownie potwierdziła swoje podwójne spojrzenie na Chiny jako partnera do współpracy i konkurenta strategicznego. Jak dotąd rozważania dotyczące Chin w obrębie Unii Europejskiej i jej państw członkowskich koncentrowały się głównie na kwestiach gospodarczych. Ale ponieważ polityka zagraniczna Chin staje się coraz bardziej asertywna i widoczna dzięki rozmieszczeniom wojskowym w geopolitycznym sąsiedztwie UE, Unia musi stawić czoła temu wyzwaniu, udzielając odpowiednich i konkretnych odpowiedzi politycznych również w kontekście geostrategicznym. W oparciu o koncepcję „koopetycji” niniejszy artykuł zawiera analizę i kolejne zalecenia dotyczące tego, w jaki sposób UE może włączyć „czynnik Chin” do swojej wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony, zachowując jednocześnie równowagę współpracy i konkurencji w polityce wobec Chin
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