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EN
A comparative analysis of geopolitical projects, objectives and instruments of “soft” and “hard” power of the European Union and Russia in Eastern Europe was made. The article argues that Moscow implements an active policy to hold Eastern Europe within its own sphere of influence, while the EU continues to pursue technocratic strategy towards the region’s states, based upon their gradual political and economic alignment with the EU without aspirations for the accession. The main “weak link” of the EU strategy is that EU, unlike Russia, follows more technocratic/bureaucratic approach and gives less attention to the political dimension. Furthermore, the EU wills less to provide benefits, privileges or use coercion, than Russia. Implementing the European Neighbourhood Policy / Eastern Partnership, the EU does not take into account the alternative bias in the region and the “pain points” that make the Eastern European countries open to Russian influence. Thus Russia still possesses considerable “soft” and “hard” levers that limit the EU impact on the transformation processes in the region’s countries. The historical and cultural proximity of Eastern European countries and Russia, the large Russian minorities in those states, Russian language, post-Soviet nostalgia, the Russian Orthodox Church, the interests of the political and business elite (Russia’s ”soft power”) and energy wars, economic blockades, existence of demarcated borders and the presence of Russian military bases (Russia’s “hard power”) in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood do not only ensure the safety of Russian influence in the region, but also create problems for European security. That is why the European Union is directly interested in minimising the Russian influence on Eastern Europe. The author believes that helping them to “increase” their independence and to realise vital internal reforms will be the best way.
EN
The article presents the Erasmus Mundus WEBB programme as a learning initiative of Eastern Partnership. It also makes an attempt to determine the prevalence of information about the programme among students from eastern countries and define the scope of interest of the respondents in this initiative. When examining the diagnostic survey was used in the form of an online survey addressed to students from the Eastern Partnership countries. The introduction presents the European Union’s policy towards its partners in the East, also brings closer the objective of this work and presents the research questions. In the second part of the article the educational programme of the Eastern Partnership was described – Erasmus Mundus WEBB. The third part presents the methodology used in the work, and analyzes the results of own research. The study highlights the deficiencies in the system of promoting the educational activities of the European Union, at the same time showing great interest of students from East in academic exchange.
EN
Eastern Europe (especially Ukraine) struggles with a significant number of problems, both internal and external in character. Euromaidan in Ukraine complicated the situation of the country even further. Some researchers believe the aftermath of Euromaidan sent the strongest shockwave since the fall of the USSR. In addition, the conflict results in geopolitical changes in Eastern Europe, but also infl uences conditions the European Union’s eastern policy is implemented in. The Eastern Partnership (EaP) is quite frequently considered an ineffi cient policy. Some go as far as to claim it has lost its raison d’etre. Observations claiming a decline of the EaP project are also made. Is it really true that the EaP project has failed to meet its objectives? The present paper constitutes a general review of the situation the European Union’s Eastern Partnership countries are in with regards to the armed conflict in Ukraine (the so-called Ukrainian crisis). The paper attempts to offers answers to the following questions: Will the EU be able to consider the position of EaP states in such a predicament? Will Poland, supported by the countries of the Visegrad Group (the V4), be able to convince EU member states to become actively involved in the matters of the East? Will Russia’s actions towards EaP states prevent the objectives from being reached?
EN
Poland’s Eastern policy is the result of the lack of a coherent concept, a return to the tradition of martyrdom and heroism, an ideologization in the form of missionarism and Prometheanism, and a confrontational attitudes towards Russia. The lack of a critical reflection over the chances for the normalization of relations with the largest country in the East is largely a result of ignoring our own national interest. The Polish political elites uncritically acquiesce to U.S. visions related to the encirclement and fragmentation of Russia. In this way, Poland becomes, at its own request, a hostage to foreign geostrategic concepts. Obstacles on the way to the normalization of Polish-Russian relations are subjective and objective. They find expression in each other’s attitudes, emotions and psychology, as well as the asymmetry of power and interests advanced by each party. Opportunities for the normalization of Polish-Russian relations should be sought in taking advantage of the mechanisms and experiences of Europeanization, i.e. Poland’s participation in the team play within the European Union. The condition for success is cooperative thinking, based on an accommodative strategy, and not a confrontational one, allowing for a re-evaluation of the negative ideological past to reach positive and pragmatic cooperation.
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