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1

『昭和天皇実録』はどのような記録か-編修の概要とその内容について-

100%

Kajita A.

Analecta Nipponica

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2017

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issue 7

25-36

EN

On August 21st, 2014, after 24 years of editorial work, the completed Shōwa tennō jitsuroku (The Chronicle of Emperor Shōwa) was presented to the Emperor and the Empress. Shortly after, the chronicle was prepared for publication and its consecutive volumes are now successively being introduced to readers in print. The material is extensive; spread over 60 volumes of traditional Japanese books – the form it was presented in to the Emperor and the Empress – or, for printing purposes, over 18 volumes of 900 pages each. The volume is 1.5 times bigger than the Meiji tennōki (The Record of Emperor Meiji). In the annals, the events of the life of Emperor Shōwa, with accompanying information, are recorded in chronological order form the Emperor’s birth on April 29th, 1901, to his death on January 7th, 1989. It is most likely the most detailed record of the life of a monarch, and a common man at the same time, ever written. There was no modern history specialist working at the Imperial Household Agency when the decision was made to publish Shōwa tennō jitsuroku, so I was hired in that capacity. I took part in the editorial work until its completion, now I am involved with publication of the annals. It has been the greatest pleasure and honor for me to be part of this endeavor. In the article I want to share my personal experiences and present certain paragraphs from Shōwa tennō jitsuroku to show the character of the chronicle, how it was edited, what exactly is depicted in its records, and how to use it as a source. It is my wish for foreign researchers, starting with those in Poland, to use the Shōwa tennō jitsuroku in their research on Japan.

2

デモクラシーと「国体」は両立するか-戦後日本のデモクラシーと天皇制

75%

Hara T.

Analecta Nipponica

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2017

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issue 7

37-57

EN

Soviet Communism or American Democracy will plunge people into darkness. Emperor Shōwa’s mother (Lady Sadako, Empress Teimei) recited the above waka poem in 1944. It was her belief that both American Democracy and Soviet Communism were in discord with the Japanese national character (kokutai). As the Allies offensive progressed, the Empress, who had been convinced that victory was immanent, gave in to doubt, and the fear of defeat began to creep into her heart. The Chronicle of Emperor Shōwa shows the Emperor as a devoted advocate of “American Democracy”. According to him, the Meiji Constitution did not require any essential changes. On the 7th of February, 1946, he asked Matsumoto Jōji, the head of the committee for the research on the Constitution, to consider a stylistic change that involved combining two Articles that contained overlapping elements. Article 1 (The Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and governed by a line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal.) and Article 4 (The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, and exercises them according to the provisions of the present Constitution.) were to be merged into one, retaining the statement that the line of Emperors is unbroken – therefore preserving the fundamental concept. Meanwhile in the Occupation’s General Headquarters a new constitution was being drafted. The Emperor complemented the efforts towards outlining the new constitution, but simultaneously, immediately following the promulgation, ordered a rite to be conducted at Ise Shrine in a plea on behalf of “the vast protection by the kami for eternal peace and the prosperity of the nation”. As far as the postwar Constitution is concerned, the kokutai – national identity, was preserved. In an interview in 1977, the Emperor stated that democracy did not come to Japan from America. It was already predicted in Emperor Meiji’s “Emperor’s oath in five articles” (Gokajō no goseimon) in which the Emperor announced the creation of the National Assembly. This statement reflects Emperor Shōwa’s attitude towards democracy. The Imperial family was even more significant in this regard. Prince Takamatsu claimed that the project of the new Constitution was hard to accept due to the stress it put on the sovereignty of the nation being too pronounced. Prince Chibu also criticized General Headquarters for, in their eagerness to protect the freedom of speech, they allowed the Communists to join the process. For Prince Chibu this rendered the new Constitution a “direct import from America”, unsuitable for Japanese circumstances. The Empress Mother became involved with promotion of the domestic silk industry. A decisive factor in her decision to enter the field was most likely in order to oppose American competition. The critical attitude towards American Democracy, characteristic of Hirohito’s possible successors, can be seen as one of the reasons why the Occupation forces abandoned the idea of urging Hirohito to abdicate.

3

日本側による戦争責任自主裁判構想

75%

Starecka K.

Analecta Nipponica

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2017

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issue 7

241-265

EN

It is common knowledge that the International Military Tribunal for the Far East to Japan was equivalent to the Nuremberg trials to Nazi Germany. However, while Germany is seen to have actively pursued its war criminals, Japan continues to be accused of lacking similar initiative, and failing to fully analyze or take responsibility, morally or politically, for the war. In reality, during the Allies’ conference for the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration, Japanese Military officials proposed conditions allowing for Japan to carry out its own war criminal trials. Then on September 12, 1945 the Japanese government formulated a declaration of “just trials” for war criminals, independently of the Allies’ war tribunal. However it is worth pointing out that there was also unofficial pressure from General MacArthur’s headquarters to do so. In his opinion, a Japanese initiative in such matters was desirable. Based on this declaration, the Japanese military command began trials of class BC war criminals, but in February 1946 they were suspended at the behest of General Headquarters. It’s also important to mention that there was a plan to release an Imperial Rescript aimed at harsh penalties for individuals who defied the Emperor’s will and led Japan into an aggressive war (hangyakuzai). Additionally, leftist organizations were calling for civil tribunals that would try war criminals, starting with the Emperor. According to Yoshida Shigeru (the Foreign Affairs Minister and later Prime Minister), having the Occupation run the trials was in fact the most favorable outcome for Japan because of the unique connection between the nation and the Emperor, for whom judging his subjects would be especially painful (shinobigatai), it also prevented shedding the blood of kinsmen, saved the Emperor, and contributed to a system of national security. Opinions on the Tokyo Tribunal are divided; in present-day Japan discussions regarding the necessity of evaluating and re-evaluating wartime issues and judgments remain ongoing.

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3 Analecta Nipponica

1 Hara T.

1 Kajita A.

1 Starecka K.

3 2017

『昭和天皇実録』はどのような記録か-編修の概要とその内容について-

デモクラシーと「国体」は両立するか-戦後日本のデモクラシーと天皇制

日本側による戦争責任自主裁判構想