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EN
The object of the article is to present the rulings of the primary and secondary law of the European Union pertaining to the citizens’ initiative at the suprastate level that serve the implementation of organizational and infrastructural solutions as well as the first experiences with applying the accepted legal norms, administrative procedures and informative-communicative means. The analysis of the legal grounds aims at positioning the European citizens’ initiative in the classifications of democracy and its tools proposed so far, and adjusting theoretical approaches to states to the needs of studies on a suprastate organization of an integrative character. Analysis of the course and results of hitherto application of the rulings on the European Citizens’ Initiative purports to answer the question whether and how the direct power of the citizens of the European Union is exercised in practice at the level of this organization. The focus of the study is the question whether implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon actually results in a significant broadening of the scope of participating democracy and whether the European citizens are interested in using this new instrument of democracy, namely popular initiative at the suprastate level.
PL
The reform of the  entered into force at the beginning of 2020. The changes are intended to popularize and to give effect to the ECI, especially through the strengthening of the position of this tool as an instrument of e-democracy and the reinforcing of the principle of subsidiarity and the model of multi-level governance. The reform is a step in the right direction, however, it is rather unlikely that it could boost the ECI as an instrument of indirect legislative initiative, which so far has had little impact. The sheer scale of this issue can be illustrated by the juxtaposition of the over seventy registered ECIs with the merely two initiatives in which the EC decided to follow up with legislative proposals. Such a situation results from the fact that the ECI is treated as a subsidiary tool to the instruments of representative democracy, generally accepted as the basis of the system. This is also the effect of the way the quasi-monopoly of the European Commission in the area of legislative initiative is interpreted. In consequence, the effectiveness of the ECI is currently perceived through the prism of collecting over one million signatures and conducting noncommittal dialogue. Nevertheless, in this context it should be remembered that the most effective form of encouraging the civil society to participate in political activity is to reinforce its agency. Indeed, increasing the impact of the ECI on decision-making processes is not dependent on potential changes in primary or secondary law. The change of attitude will suffice. Indeed, an increased number of legislative proposals stemming from the ECIs might be the result of a change in EU political culture and a greater respect for democratic rules.
EN
Around 75% of the signatures of support for European Citizens’ Initiatives come from five large EU member states: Germany, Italy, France, Spain and Poland. However, there is evidence that some of the smaller Central and Eastern European Countries have also actively used European Citizens’ Initiatives. For example, in Estonia more than 5% of all inhabitants have signed a statement of support for an ECI, compared to France where only 0.5% have done so. This paper analyzes the extent to which the European Citizens’ Initiative has been used in Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs), and in particular the type of organisational supporters and the campaigns which have attracted the most support in CEECs, and explore the reasons for these patterns. It will also explore whether the existence of a national citizens initiative instrument in a particular CEEC has any effect on the interest in an ECI in that member state, as well as assess the future of the ECI in a region facing a number of democratic challenges. Analysis of these national campaigns make it possible to examine the role of organisations and mechanisms ‘bridging’ territorial levels of contention and the circulation of narratives in countries with shorter traditions of civil rights, and in which trade unions have dominated the landscape of civil society organisations. The ECI apparatus, and the legacy of recent campaigns, provide a unique opportunity to analyse the circulation of narratives between different territorial levels.
EN
European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) is deemed to be one of political tools adjusting EU’s democratic deficit. Although the ECI has been largely analyzed from a theoretical point of view, the article presents an empirical snapshot of this participatory instrument viewed from the Slovak and Czech perspective. Using a series of research interviews, the author explains its strengths and weaknesses, as well as a possible path to move on in order to achieve more democratic, responsive and citizen-friendly Union.
EN
The activity of citizens in the modern world goes far beyond the borders of nation-states. Decisions taken at other levels, e.g. in the European Union, are increasingly affecting the quality of life. The conviction about the imperfection of the functioning of democracy in the European Union was the main reason for starting the debate on the introduction of direct democracy instruments. The discussion on the role of the European Citizens’ Initiative indicated the possibility of increasing the level of participation in political life or building a conscious civil society. The citizens’ initiative was introduced by Article 11(4) of the Treaty on European Union, followed by the implementation of the European Parliament and Council Regulation on the Citizens’ Initiative of 16 February 2011. The implementation of the European Citizens’ Initiative was seen as an opportunity to increase public acceptance of the process of further European integration. The lapse of seven years since the introduction of this solution seems to be a good opportunity to assess its effectiveness. The article points to the basic theoretical issues related to democracy. Subsequently, the procedure for conducting the European Citizens’ Initiative is characterized. Another issue raised is the awareness of Poles about this issue — based on their own research. In the final part, the conclusions and basic problems in the functioning of this solution of direct democracy in Europe are indicated. These problems include little knowledge and awareness of the existence of European citizens’ initiatives among citizens of the Member States and national institutions. It is far from using its full potential in terms of political solutions. Perhaps there is also a lack of involvement of citizens, or the lack of real influence on the adoption of the project discourages European society. In addition, there are differences in the mentality of the various nations of the Member States and problems related to financing. The mere fact of being able to use such a solution deserves recognition.
EN
Debates and controversies about the democratic legitimacy of the EU have of course accompanied the Union from the very beginning. The “democratic paradox” of the EU exists because while committing itself to promote and scrutinize democracy in its member states, in candidate states, and in third states with whom it enters into contact, it does not display equivalent democratic features in its own functioning. Some commentators tried to define the problem out of existence; by pointing out that the EU is not a state-like polity, they argued that state-specific criteria of legitimacy, such as representative, participatory or deliberative democracy, do not apply. They postulated outcome-based or, at best, public reasons based, conceptions of legitimacy as applicable to the EU, and concluded that it satisfies those standards. But this argument is based on a non sequitur: from the statement that the EU is not a state (not even a quasi-federation or federation in statu nascendi) it does not follow that it should not be judged by the standards of democratic legitimacy. The EU is a complex, untidy polity which amalgamates inter-governmental and supranational elements in its constitution, and therefore this article postulates a bifurcated approach to democratic legitimacy. In so far as the EU contains inter-governmental elements, indirect legitimacy is all that is required, i.e., democratic legitimacy of governments representing their respective states in the Council. The second face of the EU – its supranational character – calls for democratic legitimation of its institutions, in particular, in accordance with the promise contained in Art. 10 TEU, proclaiming representative democracy in the institutional setup of the EU. This requires changes to the electoral system of the EP in order to provide incentives for a more trans-European electoral process; strengthening of the supervisory role of the EP over the Commission; the strengthening of the role of the EP with regard to legislation, and endowing it with the competence of legislative initiative. Overall, the idea is for the institutional setup to resemble a canonical model of separation of powers and inter-institutional accountability, with the EP in a dominant position. Additionally, the first gesture towards direct democracy in the EU, the European Citizens’ Initiative, should be strengthened, both by upgrading the status of successful initiatives and by lowering thresholds and administrative requirements.
EN
Przedmiotem analizy w artykule są europejskie inicjatywy obywatelskie, które w czasie 12 miesięcy zyskały poparcie ponad 1 mln obywateli UE pochodzących przynajmniej z 7 państw członkowskich. Celem artykułu jest zbadanie, jakie działania zostały podjęte w tych sprawach przez Komisję Europejską. Postawiono następujące pytania badawcze: (1) Jaki był skutek wezwania Komisji do przedłożenia, w ramach jej uprawnień, wniosków w odniesieniu do których, zdaniem obywateli popierających inicjatywę, stosowanie Traktatów wymaga aktu prawnego Unii? (2) Jakie działania zostały podjęte przez Komisję i jakie jest ich uzasadnienie? Z analizy wynika, że przedmiotowe inicjatywy w bardzo małym stopniu zostały uwzględnione przez Komisję w procedurach stanowienia aktów ustawodawczych Unii Europejskiej. Zasadne jest dokonanie zmian w rozporządzeniu dot. Europejskiej inicjatywy obywatelskiej.
EN
The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) is the first transnational instrument of citizen-participation and agenda-setting worldwide and it has been created with the aim to bring citizens to the decision-making process in Europe. Its potential for creating a European public sphere and alleviating the democratic deficit has been emphasized either in EU political level and in Academia level. Thus, it is a participatory democracy mechanism and currently it could be one of the main instruments to increase the legitimacy of the EU. The ECI main goal is to enable citizens to influence the political agenda of the Union inviting the Commission to submit legislative proposals and to create a proper European public sphere. It is, therefore, an attempt to reduce the citizens’ disaffection. Such high expectations reflect normative criteria which form a difficult basis for empirical measurement. This paper analyses the ECI and whether it is a proper tool of participatory democracy. The paper especially answers the question about whether the ECI is the propitious participatory democracy tool aimed at reducing or eliminating the citizens’ disaffection with the main political institutions that is suffering the EU, besides the proposal of enhancement mechanisms. Thus, an in depth legal amendment of the ECI regulation would constitute a measure to be taken to strengthen EU’s and European integration’s legitimacy. This paper provides an overview of the theoretical expectations towards the ECI.
EN
This article describes a new, not seen so far on an international scale, institution of participatory democracy in the European Union – European Citizens’ Initiative. In article was discussed process of legislative and policy changes that impacted on the formation of a new institution of direct democracy in the European Union. The authors present functional process of preparing European citizens’ initiative established by the Treaty of Lisbon in the Treaty on European Union Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The essence of the article is a functional analysis of the legal process, submission of a citizens’ initiative. The authors discuss about background of the initiative and introduced legislative procedure for the initiative, starting from foundation of a citizens’ committee, registration of initiative, collection of support, ending on verification and certification of initiative, carried out by the European Commission. The authors also sought to identify advantages and possible problems that may arise in connection with the introduction of a citizens’ initiative in the European Union, having regard to existing and future meanderings of the integration process and effects of global competitiveness.
PL
Powyższy artykuł opisuje nową, niespotykaną do tej pory na skalę międzynarodową instytucję demokracji uczestniczącej w Unii Europejskiej – europejską inicjatywę obywatelską. W artykule został omówiony proces przemian ustawodawczych i politycznych, które miały wpływ na kształtowanie się nowej instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej w Unii Europejskiej. Autorzy przedstawiają proces powstawania i funkcjonalnego przygotowania europejskiej inicjatywy obywatelskiej ustanowionej Traktatem z Lizbony w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej i Traktacie o Funkcjonowaniu Unii Europejskiej. Istotą artykułu jest funkcjonalna analiza procedury prawnej składania inicjatywy obywatelskiej. Autorzy omawiają tło powstania inicjatywy i wprowadzoną procedurę legislacyjną dla inicjatywy, poczynając od założenia komitetu obywatelskiego, rejestracji inicjatywy, zbierania głosów poparcia, kończąc na weryfikacji i poświadczeniu inicjatywy, dokonywanej przez Komisję Europejską. Autorzy starali się również wskazać zalety i ewentualne problemy, jakie mogą wyniknąć w związku z wprowadzeniem inicjatywy obywatelskiej w Unii Europejskiej, uwzględniając dotychczasowe i przyszłe meandry procesu integracji i skutków globalnej konkurencyjności.
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