Search results - CEJSH

1

Democratic Legitimacy and the European Parliament: The Challenges of the Upcoming Elections

100%

Saryusz-Wolski J.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 1

9-16

EN

After more than five years, over the course of which the EU agenda was primarily determined by the economic crisis (with financial markets calming down but political and economic challenges yet to be resolved), popular support for the EU project tends to be in decline. A growing number of polls suggest that we are likely to observe a surge of protest votes and voting absenteeism, both of which represent big challenges for the European Union. As a consequence, in this clear democratic paradox, an institution constantly increasing its powers and influencing the lives of EU citizens to an ever greater extent, needs to find a way to communicate to them its prominence, and persuade them to take part in the election.

2

A Loyal Rookie? The Sweden Democrats’ First Year in the European Parliament

63%

Bolin N.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 2

59-77

EN

In the 2014 election, the Eurosceptic and anti-immigration Sweden Democrats (SD) for the first time entered the European Parliament. The article first sheds light on the question of why the SD ended up in the EFDD parliamentary party group with a discussion of both the history of the party and its stance on some of the most important issues. In order to assess what inclusion in the EFDD has meant in regard to its behaviour, analysis of roll call data is presented. The results indicate that the SD tends to vote similarly to UKIP. Moreover, and surprisingly, the coherence between the SD and the Danish People’s Party is very low, indicating that group membership is more important than political affinity for the SD in deciding on its voting stance in the EP.

3

Possibilities for Upgrading Inter-parliamentary Cooperation after the 2014 European Elections

63%

Kreilinger V.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 1

57-67

EN

The parliaments in the EU are facing a choice. They may exploit the existing possibilities, continue business as usual (possibly with declining participation in inter-parliamentary cooperation, so no change), or bypass existing interparliamentary structures. The last and most extreme scenario would mean that some national parliaments, for example the six founding members or the Member States that have adopted the euro, create their own conference, with serious repercussions to “pre-in” countries, to the EU institutions, and to the inclusiveness of economic and financial governance. The second option (business as usual) does not help building a genuine Economic and Monetary Union either. Only the first scenario would help reduce the existing weakness in democratic accountability and legitimacy, both in general, and especially in connection with the genuine EMU in the making. An inter-parliamentary conference as a place to discuss these policies could have the positive effect of gradually becoming an arena in which the future direction of the Union’s economic policy is shaped.

4

Heading for New Shores with Mutiny on Board: The AfD in the European Parliament

63%

Formuszewicz R.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 2

45-58

EN

The AfD’s performance in the European Parliament reflects its status as an absolute beginner. Not only is the party a newcomer on the European stage but it also has only been in existence for two years. The party has managed formal integration as a political group of its choosing, but it is not enough to become a fully-fledged member of the ECR. Internal quarrels concerning AfD’s ideological positions will foster its image as a controversial party. Such confrontations are nothing unique at the early stage of a new party, but if the competition between the wings escalates it will shatter the party’s federal reach, or even sink it completely.

5

Rozpatrywanie petycji w Parlamencie Europejskim

63%

Fryźlewicz M.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2022

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issue 1(73)

83-101

EN

The author discusses the procedure for submitting petitions to the European Parliament and the legal basis and practice of their examination. He presents the entities entitled to submit petitions, the admissible scope of petitions and the procedure for consideration by the Committee on Petitions of the European Parliament. He also analyses the subject matter of petitions to the EP processed in 2019 and the follow-up to them, their number and thematic scope.

6

Obowiązek złożenia oświadczeń majątkowych przez posła do Parlamentu Europejskiego

63%

Odrowąż-Sypniewski W.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2023

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issue 1(77)

271-277

EN

A deputy of the European Parliament is obliged to submit an asset declaration to both the Mar‑ shal of the Sejm and the President of the European Parliament. The declaration submitted to the Marshal of the Sejm is verified by the tax authorities with regard to consistency with previous dec‑ larations and the annual tax return. The declaration submitted to the President of the European Parliament is assessed by the President, who pays particular attention to the issue of the existence of a conflict of interest.

7

Polish Election to the European Parliament in 2009 at a Regional Level. The Analysis of Competition in the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship

63%

Peszyński W.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2012

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vol. 41

408-427

EN

The Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship constitutes one of the smallest of the Polish voivodeships. It is composed of nineteen land districts and four city counties, including Bydgoszcz, Torun, Wloclawek and Grudziadz. According to the data provided by the Public Electoral Commission (PKW), in 2009 the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship was inhabited by more than 2 million people, 1.65 million of whom had the right to vote. Despite the relatively small number of inhabitants, due to provisions of the act regulating the process of voting for the Members of the European Parliament, the voivodeship in question became a separate electoral district with the electoral commission located in Bydgoszcz. This decision was infl uenced mostly by members of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) representing this region in the Polish Parliament. This lobbing activity seemed benefi cial from the party’s perspective, since SLD has been gaining extraordinary support in the region. But for this lobbing, the voivodeship under consideration would have been included in one district together with the Pomeranian Voivodeship, where the majority of voters are prone to give their support to the right-wing and centre-wing parties.

8

Will the European Parliamentary Elections Give France a New Momentum for “Social Europe”?

63%

Thillaye R.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 1

41-56

EN

Clearly, pro-EU mainstream French political parties are braced for a drubbing. European elections have always been conducive to antiestablishment protests, given the complexity of the issues dealt with by the European Parliament and their so-called secondary importance. Yet given the high level of unemployment and France’s anaemic economic prospects, this time might be different. The government is faced with the Sisyphus task of again persuading voters that a change for the better is still within reach at EU level. Paradoxically, this might not necessitate a left-wing European Parliament. As this article argues, the notion of “Social Europe” is still relevant to describe the objectives that Paris seeks to achieve by the means of EU integration, but mainly in the context of the eurozone crisis. The European Parliament is a natural but weak ally of the French government on socio-economic coordination, hence the significance of the upcoming European elections needs to be qualified. Restoring confidence with Germany and France’s partners in the country’s ability to regain competitiveness and sustain its welfare system is in fact the real EU priority for the French president.

9

The N-VA: Challenging Europeanism

63%

Mercier S.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 2

145-162

EN

The European Parliamentary elections of May 2014 saw the strong emergence of more Eurosceptic and radical parties than ever before. In Belgium, these elections were overwhelmingly won by the Flemish separatist party: the Nieuw-Vlaams Alliantie (N-VA). The electoral victory triggered an anti-EU political fog around the N-VA. However, the Flemish separatists have a clear pro-European ideology. Subsequently, the article includes a brief analysis of the historical and socio-economic dynamics that led Belgium to have regionalism as the common political thread of its state structure. The article also assesses the political ambitions of the N-VA. It aims to demonstrate that the European Union is used by the N-VA, based on political and philosophical tensions, to intellectually and electorally normalise the Flemish nationalist project in Belgium and in the EU. These tensions present in other EU Member States could question or reinforce the existing political structures of the European Union.

10

Parlament Europejski po wejściu w życie traktatu z Lizbony i wyborach w czerwcu 2009 roku

63%

Fiszer J. M.

Myśl Ekonomiczna i Polityczna

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2010

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issue 2(29)

178-212

EN

The European Parliament is one of the major and most important organs of the European Union and Communities and its role and participation in those institutions’ decision-making process increases systematically, simultaneously with every successive reforming treaty entering into force. The present article is an attempt to present the European Parliament after the latest great events in the European Union, i.e. the election of June 2009 and 1 December 2009, when the Treaty of Lisbon came into force. The author attempts to answer numerous questions that are asked in connection with the last European election and the Treaty of Lisbon. He tries to show how this election and the Treaty of Lisbon changed the image of the European Parliament and strengthened its competence. He proposes many interesting theses, including one that the European election of 2009 together with the treaty of Lisbon are a turning point not only in the history of the European Parliament but also the history of the European integration and its effect: the European Union. In the article, there are many references to Poland and its experiences after the accession to the European Union in 2004 and in the European Parliament. The author proves that today the Poles are satisfied with the European Union membership and feel more confident in the European Parliament and in all the European Union salons.

11

Stanowisko Parlamentu Europejskiego wobec Partnerstwa Wschodniego

55%

Staszczyk A.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

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2015

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issue 9

229-240

EN

This paper presents the attitude of the European Parliament to those issues that fall within the scope of interest of the Eastern Partnership. In the analysis of this attitude, the author stresses the significant role the EP has played in developing EU Eastern policy, in particular as concerns the promotion of democratic ideas and values within the scope of this policy. It should be emphasised that the EP is exceptionally interested in the advancement of democracy in East European partner countries, whose geopolitical significance the EP appreciates, frequently calling for the tightening of relations with these countries, and even opening European prospects to them. The deepening of cooperation between the EU and East European countries is conditioned by the EP by their adoption of what is called European values (i.e. democracy, rule of law, protection of human rights, etc.). Acting as the ‘guard of democracy,’ the EP is an institution of political influence which allows it to shape Eastern policy in ways that go beyond the formal rights vested in it by the treaties.

12

Duch d’Hondta w Strasburgu. Zasada proporcjonalnej dystrybucji stanowisk w Parlamencie Europejskim

54%

KIRPSZA A. K.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2011

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issue 3

147-166

EN

Proportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart’s concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d’Hondt’s formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized.

13

Opinia prawna w sprawie obecności na zamkniętym posiedzeniu komisji sejmowej posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego

51%

Gierach E.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2015

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issue 4(48)

55-59

EN

The opinion shows that, specifying the range of entities that can participate in closed committee meetings, the Standing Orders of the Sejm expressly states that such meetings may be attended by Deputies who are not members of that committee and the persons whose participation the committee deems indispensable. There is no legal basis for the admissibility of participation of MEPs in closed meetings of Sejm committees that involve classified information. The author of the opinion notes that the possible attendance of a Member of the European Parliament at such a meeting would implicate the recognition by the Commission of their attendance “as indispensable” and the requirement to present of an appropriate security clearance.

14

The Front National: Old Rhetoric, New Practices

51%

Thillaye R., Chwalisz C.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 2

103-119

EN

Under Marine Le Pen’s leadership, Front National has climbed remarkably in the polls. A debate has opened about whether the party’s Europhobic, “euro-rejectionist” nature has softened under her direction or whether her “de-demonisation” strategy is merely a veneer. This article seeks to answer this question by considering Front National’s foreign policy outlook, its attitudes towards the EU as a whole and, more specifically, by analysing its representatives’ behaviour and voting patterns in the European parliament. It becomes clear that Front National’s core message has changed little since its founding days. The notable difference is a heightened professionalism and attention to style. The party’s tone has softened to gain credibility among a wider voter base. However, the wide rift between the approaches taken by the party’s MEPs suggest Front National will need to carefully navigate the tension between its position as a party of protest and one that needs to take on the responsibility of governing in a system that requires compromise.

15

Rola Parlamentu Europejskiego w kształtowaniu bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Unii Europejskiej

51%

Młynarski T.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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issue 4(35)

401-417

EN

Participation of the European Parliament in the process of energy sector communitarization and providing assurance of Community energy security is enormous due to its position and its legitimacy in European institutions structure. European Parliament – through its participation in the development of energy acquis communautaire, under the ordinary legislative procedure – is a full‑fledged entity responsible for the shape of EU’s legal order, and the views of MPs interact indirectly on EU law and policies final version. Using indirect legislative initiative, the European Parliament has become also an active creator providing the mandate of EC political initiatives. Consequently, the European Parliament has played an important role at the supranational level in the energy sector communitarization, often acting as a political forum facilitating building of compromises, necessary to deepen the EU’s energy policy. It also actively participates in the development of EU energy and climate policy.

16

Opinia w sprawie wniosku dotyczącego dyrektywy Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady w sprawie udzielania koncesji

51%

Szydło M., Cieślik Z.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2012

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issue 3(35)

148-163

EN

The proposal is worthy of support from the government in the Council of the EU. The draft position of Polish government on the proposed directive does not raise doubts, and the impact assessment of the proposal contained therein is consistent with the assessment by the Bureau of Research of the Chancellery of the Sejm. The draft position was submitted to the Sejm 30 days after the expiry of the time limit specified by the so-called Cooperation Act.

17

Wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego jako wybory drugiej kategorii (second - order elections). Uwagi na temat przyczyn, konsekwencji oraz prób przeciwdziałania niskiej frekwencji wyborczej

51%

Jackiewicz A.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2014

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issue 2(121)

9-20

EN

The author examines the issue of elections to the European Parliament in the context of the level of interest of voters in those elections. It presents the concept of “fi rst-order elections” and “second-order elections”, at the same time pointing out that the EP elections over 30 years are considered to be in the latter category. Attention is paid to the mechanisms by which the legislature may attempt to strengthen the level of citizens’ participation in public life and which can have a positive impact on voter turnout in the elections to the European Parliament. These include compulsory voting, holding the election on a day which is not a working day, a two-day vote, the date for the conduct of this election, the fi nancial motivation behind standing in elections or enthusiasm for the idea of the EU after recent accession.

18

Trwały system podziału mandatów w Parlamencie Europejskim – uwarunkowania prawne i polityczne

51%

Kleinowski M.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2022

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issue 2(169)

57–84

EN

The article analyses the issue of introducing a permanent system of distribution of seats in the European Parliament, taking into account the existing legal and political conditions. It points out that as a result of the entry into force of the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon, and then Brexit, the indirect voting power of citizens of the largest Member States, especially Germany, France and Italy, in the decision-making process in the EU, has increased. At the same time, most of the proposed methods of distribution of seats in this institution lead to a significant increase in the number of parliamentary seats for the Member States with the largest populations. The paper presents the original concept of a permanent system of distribution of seats in the European Parliament, which ensures that when it is first applied, no Member State will have a smaller number of seats than it resulted from European Council Decision of 28 June 2013 establishing the composition of the European Parliament. It, therefore, meets the important political requirement that the introduction of the new method of distribution of parliamentary seats does not result in a reduction in the number of seats for any Member State.

19

The Membership of Poland in the EU – Benefits and Obligations

51%

Skotnicka-Illasiewicz E., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2014

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issue 2 (6)

PL

The present paper offers an analysis of the attitudes of Polish citizens towards the process of European integration. Two major points can be highlighted, based on the data obtained from various opinion surveys, e.g. CBOS, PBS, ISP, OPTEM, and Eurobarometer. The first one concerns the initial high level of scepticism in Poland about the decision to join the EU. The results of the public opinion polls indicated that Poles had agreed to be the Member State more “under pressure exerted by the course of history and that of the current European affairs” rather than “by an informed choice”. It may well be that due to this scepticism, Poland, as one of the few countries to join the EU, did not experience the socalled post-accession shock. On the contrary, the results of surveys suggested that there was a rapidly growing belief among Poles in positive repercussions of the accession, at least until the time when the effects of the economic crisis began to transpire. The second problem deals with how Poles see themselves as the members of the European Community. The data show that Polish citizens consider the membership in the EU as a fact of life, an existing condition that does not stimulate their action if the affairs are not directly associated with their own interests. That is probably the reason why Poles do not feel co-responsible for the European project. They still see the Union as an organisation that is supposed to bring profit but, at the same time, they do not feel obliged to actively take on responsibilities that follow.

20

W sprawie projektu ustawy o zasadach ustalenia kolejności obsadzania mandatów posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego wybieranych w Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej na kadencję 2019–2024

51%

Chybalski P.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2019

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issue 3(152)

123–129

EN

The opinion contains the legal analysis of the bill on the principles for establishing the order of filling the mandates of the Deputies to the European Parliament elected by the Republic of Poland for the term 2019–2024 (print no. 3272). According to its author, the bill solves the problem indicated by the National Electoral Commission, related to a possible situation, when on the day of elections to the European Parliament the number of seats for the Republic of Poland equals 51 instead of 52. What is more, the constitutional admissibility of the proposed bill is unquestionable. Nonetheless, the author indicates the need for certain modifications of the bill, in particular a modification ensuring that a person vested with “the fifty-second mandate” is not referred to, in the proposed provisions, as “the Deputy to the European Parliament, who does not take the seat at the beginning of the term”.

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