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Wybór opcji czy osoby? Determinanty zachowań wyborczych mieszkańców województwa podkarpackiego w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2014 r. w świetle badań empirycznych

100%
Szczepański D.
Political Preferences
|
2015
|
issue 10
177-194
EN
The aim of the article was to present factors influencing voting behaviours of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship citizens during European Parliament elections in 2014, in the light of the conducted empirical research. The indicators that guided voters when casting votes to ballot boxes were analysed on the basis of a set of variables, such as: the attractiveness of election programmes and political parties, competences of candidates, the role of the Catholic Church during the election campaign, or the awareness of voters (self-reliance in making electoral decisions or its lack). The analysis and interpretations from the conducted research were preceded by a voting description of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship, treated, on a electoral map of Poland, as a specific region due to its above average support given to candidates and parties of right-wing provenance. In the final part conclusions drawn from the analytical process were presented.
2
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The Specificity of Electoral Volatility in European Parliamentary Elections

100%
Turska-Kawa A.
Political Preferences
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2014
|
issue 9
181-191
EN
European Parliament elections are a special area for the analysis of electoral volatility understood as changes of electoral support for individual parties occurring in time. Firstly, it is so because they are referred to as second-order elections. Secondly, because despite their supranational character, voting behaviours occurring in them are to a considerable extent moderated by the national context. The article discusses the qualities of European elections which generate electoral volatility at various analysis levels.
3

Wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w państwach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej. Weryfikacja modelu second-order election

88%
Kozierska J.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
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2015
|
vol. 19
38 - 48
EN
The ten new Member States joined the European Union on 1 May 2004. Since then three elections to the European Parliament have been held. This paper attempts to answer the question whether the second-order election model (one of the best known theories concerning the voting behavior in Western Europe), created in 1980 by Karlheinz Reif and Hermann Schmitt, is the right research tool for the analysis of the EP elections in the new Member States from Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis was conducted on aggregated data for the countries of the Visegrad Group.
4
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More to the People, Less to Brussels! Alternative for Germany and the 2014 European Parliament Elections

75%
Novotný L., Maškarinec P.
Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)
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2018
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issue 2
5-23
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the determinants of electoral support for the Alternative for Germany, which gained 7.04% of the vote in the 2014 European Parliament elections. AfD is considered a right-wing populist protest party of a primarily Eurosceptic orientation. However, there has been no in-depth analysis of its electoral success based on statistical methods. The territories of former East and West Germany have been selected as unit of analysis, since different patterns of electoral behaviour can be expected to play a role in former Eastern Bloc and Western countries. We analyse voters’ political preferences and the question whether the success of the AfD could be better explained with reference to protest voting or issue voting. We conclude that while in West Germany both protest voting and issue voting can explain the success of the AfD, the priority of issue voting over protest voting was pronounced in East Germany, as the immigration issue proved to be a very strong and significant predictor of electoral support for the AfD. Thus, we once again confirm that differences in individual voting behaviour between West and East persist even a quarter century after the unification of Germany. It is thus apparent that the so-called Iron Curtain continues to function as a cleavage in contemporary German politics.
5
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Polityka Unii Europejskiej w zakresie przeciwdziałania dezinformacji przed wyborami do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2019 roku

51%
Wigienka S.
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
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2020
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issue 3
89-109
EN
Disinformation is currently one of the major challenges to the proper functioning of electoral processes. The European Union’s institutions have recently undertaken a series of initiatives aimed at tackling the problem. The goal of this paper is to discuss the salient determinants of the EU’s policy towards countering disinformation proposed prior to the 2019 European Parliament Elections. The method used for the study was desk research analysis, which included a survey of the EU’s strategic documents, legal acts, media statements from the EU’s representatives, as well as external reports, and subject literature. The paper presents the definition of the concept of “disinformation” that has been adopted by the EU, the overview of the EU’s policy papers relating to the problem, the classification of the main fields of the EU’s activity in terms of tackling disinformation, and numerous examples of the implemented solutions, followed by general directions of the EU’s efforts. The final remarks raise the issue of assessment of efficiency of the approach taken thus far and point out selected areas of criticism voiced by experts and academics.
PL
Dezinformacja sieciowa stanowi obecnie jedno z istotnych wyzwań dla prawidłowego funkcjonowania procesów wyborczych. Instytucje Unii Europejskiej (UE) podjęły w ostatnim czasie szereg inicjatyw, których celem było przeciwdziałanie temu zagrożeniu. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie najważniejszych wyznaczników polityki UE wobec zwalczania dezinformacji prowadzonej w okresie poprzedzającym wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2019 r. Na podstawie analizy typu desk research, obejmującej dokumenty strategiczne, akty prawne, wypowiedzi medialne przedstawicieli UE oraz zgromadzone raporty i literaturę naukową, w tekście zaprezentowano: definicję pojęcia „dezinformacja” przyjmowaną na poziomie unijnym; przegląd najważniejszych dokumentów programowych dotyczących tego problemu; klasyfikację głównych obszarów aktywności UE w kontekście walki z dezinformacją i przykłady konkretnych wdrożonych działań; ogólne kierunki strategii zaproponowanej przez UE. W końcowym fragmencie poruszono ponadto kwestię oceny efektywności przyjętych rozwiązań, a także wskazano wybrane wątki krytyki unijnego podejścia formułowane na polu dyskusji akademickiej i eksperckiej.
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