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EN
With the annexation of the Crimea by Russia in spring 2014, a new strategic situation in Europe occurs. Both a deep going geopolitical and a value confl ict is now determine the relations between the West (EU, NATO including the Ukraine) and Russia. Germany was faced with the failure of its policy of strategic partnership with Russia since the year 2000. Unfortunately, a critical examination of the errors of this policy since the chancellorship of Gerhard Schröder does not take place until now. The German political elite is still on the way to a new strategic concept to deal with the new situation, fluctuating between value-based policy and Realpolitik. However, the public opinion in Germany about Russian policy is getting more critical. Finally, the contribution analyses the actual challenges for the future of German policy towards Russia and try to describe the possible scenarios.
EN
The war in Ukraine made European societies wonder how ready they were for it, and exposed new dangers that European leaders had believed gone. First and foremost, once again, a vision of territorial aggression has returned to the list of threats to European security. Does the EU have adequate security strategies to guideline its response to such dangers? Do the strategies structure the development of instruments so that its institutions and Member States can successfully deal with the threat that the war in Ukraine poses to EU societies? The EU has two security strategies, from 2003 and 2016, and it stands to reason to verify their adequateness vis-á-vis the war in Ukraine. This article studies the provisions of these strategies, presents the progress of the war in Ukraine, and verifies the reactions of EU institutions and Member States in face of these events. While it reflects on the provisions of the security strategies in light of the ways the EU and its Member States have reacted to war, it concludes with a proposal of elements that need adjusting within the EU catalogue of possibilities.
EN
War in Ukraine and the Russian annexation of Crimea are the events that changed the US policy towards Russia. The events in Ukraine forced the United States to take a closer look at Eastern and Central Europe. The United States’ policy during the Ukrainian crisis has been limited to sanctions and strong statements so far because in Ukraine there is an asymmetry of interests. Ukraine is much more important to Russia than to the United States. The United States may be willing to support the democratic and western aspiration of Ukrainians but will not risk a major conflict with Russia over it. However the crisis in Ukraine is not only about Ukraine or Russia. It is also about US credibility around the world. Both friends and foes are watching closely the American reaction to the situation. That is why the United States has increased its military presence in those NATO countries that share borders with Russia.
EN
The 2016 faces the adoption of the new security strategy of the European Union – the second in the Union’s history. Although the Common Security and Defence Policy is one of the youngest of the EU policies, its role rapidly intensifi es in the world of growing political and social instability in the EU’s neighbourhood. How does the EU defi ne the threats to its security and is it capable of preventing them? The European Security Strategy of 2003 both describes the threats and recommends the principles that should be implemented in the EU’s policies in order to raise their effectiveness. Thirteen years after the publication of the first security strategy and shortly before the second one is announced it is interesting to check, how much the fi rst strategy inspired the changes in the way of thinking about the European security and the economisation of the European defences. In the article, there are analysed both the political milestones leading to the establishment of the defence policy of the EU and the provisions of the new Global Strategy of the Union. What can be anticipated from the new strategy given the experience with the realisation of the previous one? Does the new security strategy fit well into the reality of the contemporary international relations? Is the new strategy possible to implement?
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