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EN
Any work that takes a thorough look at the problem of nationality requires a kind of common ground in the form of a consensus about such basic terms as people and nation. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire the main problem was the complexity of factors and the lack of unity, which also affected Austria’s special matter of nationality. Specifically, Austria witnessed the mutual opposition of three elements. Amidst the conflict of different ethnic groups and the historical kingdoms and provinces with the central power, ethnic groups made increasingly significant and radical demands as opposed to the other two groups. While this work also seeks to use consistent terms, it shifts the focus from the creation of unambiguous definitions to generally recognised historical development processes, such as the role of the slogans of popular sovereignty and equal rights in the definition of nation, and to trends in the scholarly interpretation of people and nation in the 19th century
EN
In this article, the author touches on the evolution of the European integration process, trying to capture the essence of the idea of federalisation on the way to the creation of the European Union. The theoretical narrative within federal thoughts is complemented by contemporary limitations both in the formal acceptance of the idea of federalisation of the European Union and in the informal “pole organizing the imagination” as mentioned by T. Mazowiecki. The main narrative, therefore, concerns the division of the field of EU integration between the analysis of structural limitations of the idea of federalisation of the European Union, including the system and jurisdictions of nation states, as well as ideational limitations, individual approach of the Member States to the integration process or the electoral success of Eurosceptics.
EN
The referendum on leaving the European Union held in the United Kingdom in June 2016 undoubtedly opened a new chapter in the history of the European integration. The general theory of international organizations tells us that countries normally leave international institutions as an act of last resort, when they are sidelined or feeling unable to shape their future. Was the UK in such a position in the EU? Or was the result of the British referendum rather a side effect of a small adaptability of the European institutions to global challenges, which in turn sparked a democratic revolt, erupted in an eurosceptic country? It is argued here that, regardless of the causes, the British issue influenced further polarization between federal and anti-federal forces in the European Union, and because the former are still in minority, the European Union will most likely pass over the Brexit to proceed according to the old agenda, maybe with some minor institutional changes, like readjustment of the seats in the European Parliament, but signifi cantly weakened on the global scene.
EN
India’s centre-heavy federalism suffered dual downturns in the 1990s, with the tides of globalization and economic liberalization challenging the sanctity of borders and the incidence of coalition politics increasing the salience of regional equations and demands. But Indian foreign policy in the 1990s remained the almost exclusive preserve of the Centre, ruled by several coalitions of political parties like the National Front (1989–1996), United Front (1996–1998). As Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s popular yet controversial regime is poised at the middle of its second term in 2022 (beginning in 2019), the continued showcasing of the Centre’s leadership in foreign policy decisions, high-profile bilateral and multilateral engagements, bold collisions with uneasy neighbours, are only matched with the unilateralism exhibited within the borders. Given the oft-reported instances of acute voices of assertions by the states on various issues ranging from illegal and forced migration, resource-sharing, or economic development involving neighbouring countries, a stock-taking is needed, to explore how genuinely federal is India’s foreign policy. In other words, the role of the constituent states in leveraging influence and bargaining for their due share of active involvement as stakeholders, merits critical academic intervention. When tested against real cases, two observations can be made. The dynamics shaping federalism and foreign policy may not just involve the Centre and the states but involve local/regional factors and influences from across international borders as well. Second, there is no causal link between the nature of the government in power at the Centre, Union-state political equations, and the imperatives across the borders between provinces and neighbouring countries. This study examines three case studies; West Bengal, Assam, and the Northeast, to reveal that foreign policy operates within the constitutionally designed structures of federalism in India by negotiating recurrent complexities of politics and deceives regional stakeholders or states with narratives of inclusiveness.
PT
No processo de independência das colônias no Continente Ame¬ricano o federalismo esteve muito presente como um ideário, uma bandeira ou co¬mo perspectiva de organização estatal interna ou de integração de novos estados. A com¬plexidade do processo de construção dos novos estados nacionais “moder¬nos/liberais” encontrava a força e, ao mesmo tempo, a limitação nos poderes locais e re¬gionais vinculados a sua estrutura econômica-social. Nesse sentido, o federalismo po¬deria estar relacionado a perspectiva de um estado descentralizado e republicano, co¬mo em um estado que mantivesse a autonomia dos poderes locais ou regionais da “antiga” estrutura social do período colonial, dificultando de certa forma a “integração”. Assim sendo, a partir de um estudo da historiografia, especialmente a produzida na região platina, pretende-se neste trabalho, fazer uma análise das apro¬xi¬mações e diferenças dos projetos políticos federalistas regionais ou dos novos esta¬dos nacionais, em que a integração, a fronteira, a fragmentação estão presentes
EN
In the independence process of the colonies in America, the fe¬deralism was present as ideology, a flag, an internal perspective of state organization or as a way to integrate the new states. The complexity of the building process of the new national states (modern/liberal) found the strength and, at the same time, limita¬tion at the level of local and regional powers linked with the economic and social structure. In this sense, the federalism could be related to a decentralized and re¬publi¬can state perspective, as a state that keeps the local and regional autonomy of the po¬wers, and the “old” social structure of the colonial period, raising difficulties in in¬te¬gration. Therefore, from a historiography study, especially on Rio de la Plata region, this paper intends to do a analyze the similarities and differences in the regional po¬litical federalist projects, or those of new National states in which the problem of the integration, frontier and fragmentation are present.
PL
Do ius commune (droit commun) odwołują się reguły prawa i interpretacje prawne dotyczące wszystkich gałęzi prawa, nawet prawa konstytucyjnego. W związku z tym warto zastanowić się, jak w tym kontekście interpretować prawo językowe w odniesieniu do mniejszości żyjącej w większej, federalnej strukturze państwowej, dla której ochrona własnego języka to żywotny problem. Autor twierdzi, że Sąd Najwyższy Kanady mógł zaniedbać te kwestie w Quebecu, unieważniając duże fragmenty Karty języka francuskiego dotyczące oficjalnego języka ustawodawstwa i sądownictwa w sprawie Blaikie z 1979 roku, w której narzucił francuskojęzycznej enklawie konstytucyjną dwujęzyczność w sprawach legislacji i sądownictwa. Być może słuszność tej decyzji powina być poddana ponownej ocenie.
FR
The jus commune (droit commun) is the intellectual canvas upon which any rule of law is built upon within a given society, that must be integrated in any interpretation or construction process in any field of law, even constitutionnal law. As the jus commune bears a series of structural values, one ponders as to the correct construction of linguistic law to be held in that regard within a minority society entrenched inside a greater federal superstructure, where linguistic preservation is a collective existential matter. The author submits that the Supreme Court of Canada may have neglected to consider this important factor in Quebec when striking down large sections of the Charter of the French Language pertaining to the official language of law and judicial decisions in the 1979 Blaikie case, in which it imposed official constitutional bilingualism in matters of legislation and judicial decisions to the enclaved French-speaking province. Perhaps the appropriateness of this decision should be revisited.
EN
 Le droit commun (jus commune) est la toile de fond intellectuelle sur laquelle toute normativité juridique se construit au sein d'une société et dont tout droit, même constitutionnel, ne peut faire l'économie au moment de son interprétation. Le droit commun emportant une série de valeurs structurantes, il convient de s'interroger sur l'interprétation à donner au droit linguistique d'une société minorisée, pour laquelle la préservation linguistique est un enjeu littéralement existentiel au sein d'un cadre constitutionnel fédéral plus grand, à la lumière de son droit commun. L'auteur avance que la Cour suprême du Canada n'aurait peut-être pas adéquatement tenu compte de cette donnée importante au Québec au moment d'invalider les pans de la Charte de la langue française traitant de la langue officielle de la législation et de la justice au Québec dans le cadre de l'affaire Blaikie en 1979, par laquelle elle imposait à la province francophone enclavée un bilinguisme législatif et judiciaire obligatoire, et qu'il conviendrait de réévaluer la justesse en droit de cette décision.
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