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The author proposes a “hybrid” approach to the issue of global order, combining in his study theoretical and practical issues. From theoretical point of view he is focusing on crucial ideas important in normative, liberal (institutions) and neo-realistic school of thinking on global affairs and global order, leading us to the conclusion that in normative sense currently there is a mess and nobody’s really ready to propose a kind of “global codex” (Z. Bauman), which is necessary for a globalised world of “network societies” (M. Castells); in institutional sense we have some new phenomena, like G-20, BRICS or Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as further deepening process of European integration after the Treaty of Lisbon, which is theoretically not absorbed yet; and finally in real politics one can observe an important Powers Shift, from Atlantic to Pacific, at least in economic sphere. According to the Author’s final conclusions, we are facing two principal challenges (meaning humankind): deeply mixed transnationalisation (i.e. diminishing of the role of nation states, including major powers) and quickly-growing consciousness of some global challenges (proliferation of nuclear arms, climate change, shrinking of raw and energy sources, other environmental issues, etc.). Thus, in his opinion, experts on security issues and probably also researchers of global order should prepare a kind of “cooperative order” idea, an idea which, however – for the first time in decades or perhaps even Centuries – should be proposed not only by the West. This is the essence of the new global order which is emerging after the collapse of the global (Western) markets in September 2008. It is too early too judge yet whether this particular moment is a real fault-line leading to creation of a new order, but there are many signs prompting us to conclude so.
EN
'What will the new international order look like after the end of the 'unipolar moment' (coined by Ch. Krauthammer) i.e., the U.S. hegemony which followed the end of the Cold War? The U.S. seems to be losing its dominant position, at least in the economic sphere. What can China, as the most important 'emerging power', contribute to this new (economic) order? And what kind of reaction to China's new role should be expected from the EU? How can these two very different powers - the 'modern' and 'supranational' EU and the 'classical' China, faithful to the 'Westphalian ideas' of sovereignty, non-interference in domestic policy, territorial integrity, etc. - cooperate with each other? These are the crucial issues discussed in this multidisciplinary work, which mixes such disciplines as political science, international relations, political economy and even philosophy of history in an attempt to describe the contemporary clusters and new elements necessary to establish a new world order in the era of globalization.
EN
This article proposes a ‘hybrid’ approach to the issue of global order, mixing theoretical and practical issues in the analysis carried out. From the theoretical point of view, it focuses on crucial ideas important in the normative, liberal (institutional) and neo-realistic schools of thinking on global affairs and global order. The analysis leads to the conclusion that, in the normative sense, there is currently a messand nobody is ready and able to propose the kind of ‘global code’ (Z.Bauman) necessary and appropriate for a globalised world of ‘network societies’ (M.Castells). In the institutional sense, today we are witness to a series of new phenomena, like the G-20, BRICS or the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as the further deepening of the process of European integration following the Treaty of Lisbon, which is not yet theoretically absorbed. Finally, in world of geopolitics one can observe an important power shift from the Atlantic to the Pacific, at least in the economic sphere. According to the Author, as stated in his final conclusions, there are two major challenges ahead of the world: deeply mixed transnationalisation (i.e. the diminishing of the role of nation states, including major powers), and the rapidly growing consciousness of real global challenges (proliferation of nuclear arms, climate change, shrinking of raw materials and energy sources, environmental issues, etc.). Thus, in the author’s opinion, experts in security issues and scholars specialising in international relations should prepare a kind of ‘cooperative order’ idea – an idea, which, however, for the first time in decades and maybe even centuries, should be proposed not by the West alone. This is the essence of the new global order which has been emerging after the collapse of the global (Western) markets in September 2008. It is still too early to judge if this particular moment is a true fault line leading to the creation of a new global order, but there are many signs leading to such a conclusion.
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The article traces the evolution, activity and prospects of functioning of G-7, G-8 and G-20 – formulas of global cooperation that play an immensely significant role in shaping the emerging model of global governance. The author assumes that global governance means transferring onto the highest level the activity proper to governments with the difference that their competences of power are replaced by the activity of the so called controllers understood as the entirety of formal institutions, regimes and informal forums of exchange of information, experiences and of reaching compromise. Among the latter in the 1990s emerged G-7 which over two decades later transformed into G-8. Initially, this informal forum of dialogue dealt with financial matters but subsequently began to expand its agenda to economic issues and eventually to political concerns. Following the changes induced by the Asia crisis of 1997 and then the financial crisis of 2008 a new element of global governance architecture appeared, i.e. G-20. Since 1999 this group has operated on the level of finance ministers and central banks managers, joined in 2008 by state leaders.
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