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1

Frekwencja i geografia imion najrzadziej nadawanych w Polsce w latach 1995–2010

100%
Czopek-Kopciuch B.
Onomastica
|
2013
|
vol. 57
71–93
EN
First names in the range 5–10, given in the years 1995–2010, are, as a matter of fact, rare names. In general, the specific names are given once or twice in individual years. The geographic distribution also shows that concentrations of the names being studied are not observed in any region. Only Mazowieckie voivodeship shows names from this range being given a large number of times. It appears that parents from central and southwestern Poland are more prone to give their children rare names than is true in the eastern and northern regions of the country. Among rare feminine names, particularly popular types of names cannot be distinguished. Names chosen for boys, on the other hand, show that there are fewer “exotic” names among them, but more “old-fashioned” names, old Polish or mythological. Also, diminutive names are used to function as official names more often than for girls. If one compares the geographical distribution of diminutive names of girls and boys, it is evident that the tastes of parents choosing these names overlap regardless of gender: most often chosen in Mazowieckie and Śląskie voivodeships, least often (or not at all) in Świętokrzyskie and Podlaskie voivodeships. Conventional names, both for girls and for boys, are most willingly chosen in Śląskie voivodeship, but are not popular in Świętokrzyskie. Full old Polish names (male and female) are most noted in Mazowieckie and Małopolskie voivodeships; but however prone parents within Dolnośląskie voivodeships are to give boys such names, they are not popular among girls. For both feminine and masculine groups of names, a large number of variations are observed, phonetic, graphic, and from other languages. Also striking is the large number of names incorrectly spelled. If one compares the names being studied with earlier lists, it is quite clear that a large group of names appears only in 1995, or at most, during the years 1990–1994. Other names, after years of “oblivion,” begin to be used for nomination once more, while others lose popularity. Why this happens is difficult to say. Certainly globalization plays a significant role, finding expression in a larger and larger share of names in Anglo-American linguistic versions, as well as modeling after diminutives given as official names in that cultural domain.
2

FIRST NAMES AND PLANTS' NAMES. ONYMIZATION AND APPELLATIVIZATION

100%
Czekaj M.
Onomastica
|
2003
|
vol. 48
209-223
EN
From the 'Dictionary of First Names in Current Use in Poland' (Rymut 1995) I isolated a group of names that can be connected with the common names of plants. According to ethnographers plants have an apotropaic power (warding off evil, protective) applied against demons. In connection with this, names of plants could appear in the function of protective names. I divided the names I noted down from the 'Dictionary of First Names' into three groups. The first group in the dictionary are those motivated by appellatives (names of plants) and transferred into the category of personal names. In the second part of the dictionary there is a group of plant names which were created from given names, which happened as a result of appellativization. The third group of names in the Dictionary consisted of so-called eponyms, or words created from the given name or surname of a real or fictitious person, e.g. the appellative dalia (the name of a flower) comes from the surname of the botanist Anders Dahl. The personal name Dahl passed from the category of proper nouns to the category of appellatives, and became the name of the appellative dalia, thereby changing its function and semantics. Subsequently dalia passed from the class of appellatives into the class of proper nouns, and became a personal name once more -the given name Dalia. We are dealing here first and foremost with a process of appellativization, later of onymization. Given names are proper nouns; in some situations, however, they undergo appellativization. In their secondary function they can become names of plants, through which they gain a new significance. In turn, some plant names, as a result of onymization with changes in semantics and function, can become personal names.
3

Imiona częste w Polsce w latach 1995–2010 i ich zróżnicowanie w czasie i przestrzeni

88%
Swoboda P.
Onomastica
|
2013
|
vol. 57
19–69
EN
In this paper I deal with the most popular first names in Poland given to newborns in period 1995–2010. The first part contains lists of 100 of the most frequent male and female names. I have compared these lists with a similar sets for the earlier periods (1981–1990 i 1900–1994) compiled by K. Nowik. In the next part I present the detailed data for the naming variety in the examined period and with the help of the statistical calculations I show the increasing and decreasing trends for particular groups of names. It appeared that some names, which have similiar characteristics (such as sound, origin, structure), behave the same way, gaining or losing its popularity. In the last part I examined the geographic diversifications of names by comparing frequency lists for each voivodeship. In this case the study revealed the relationship between popularity of some group of names and the area of its appearance. It confirms that there is a regional specificity in naming in Poland and sometimes it crosses national borders.
4

Oficjalność i wariantywność imion nadawanych w Polsce

75%
Cieślikowa A.
Onomastica
|
2013
|
vol. 57
129–143
EN
We received observations from PESEL on the number of appearances of given names for use for research purposes. I chose names which are lately, according to my knowledge, very popular and compared their numbers, as well as the frequency of bearers of names, with the names included in the dictionary of Józef Bubak and the dictionary of Jan Grzenia published later, in 2002. I also used in my article the observations of Professor Edward Breza and the conclusions of the committee appointed by the Polish Language Council (consisting of Prof. Irena Bajerowa, still living at the time, Prof. Julian Kornhauser, and myself, Prof. Aleksandra Cieślikowa) to evaluate the names presented by Prof. Breza. The number and proposals for studying corresponding names (on the basis of the materials provided by PESEL) are in the article. Proposals regarding double letters (sounds) and frequently used diminutives (Kuba) were the subject of discussion at the plenary session of the Polish Language Council. Not all the committee’s proposals were accepted, which is discussed in the above article.
5

Najnowsze imiona „wielkomiejskie” w perspektywie statystyczno-onomastycznej i społeczno-kulturowej

75%
Skowronek K.
Onomastica
|
2013
|
vol. 57
95–127
EN
The article deals primarily with names given the youngest male and female Poles in the 39 largest cities of Poland during the last 16 years (1995–2010). The author shows the general numerical structure of these anthroponyms – there are 6,292 such names. Also a subject of interest are anthroponyms of very low frequency (4,701 names have a frequency of being given one to three times). Then the author compares a ranking list of the one hundred most frequently selected given names in the largest cities of Poland during the years 1995–2010 with a similar list of frequencies for names most often used through the whole 20th century, pointing out similarities and differences between them. The author also discusses the statistic distribution of the masculine and feminine Polish names currently most popular in large cities. She notes the similarities and divergences in regard to preference in selection of these names in large cities in comparison with the capital (Warsaw), Mazowieckie voivodeship, and Poland as a whole.
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