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1

THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL: LEGITIMACY AND ORGANIZED HYPOCRISY

100%
Dahl-Eriksen T.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2023
|
vol. 16
|
issue 2
20 - 33
EN
The authority of the UN Security Council (UNSC), perhaps also its legitimacy, may have been brought into question by recent events. The war in Ukraine and the inferno in the Middle East challenges its role as preserver of international peace and security, and poor or highly selective responses to mass atrocities challenges its capacity to provide protection to populations when states fail. This article focuses on organized hypocrisy as a possible organizational answer to these challenges, drawing on the theoretical framework developed mainly by Nils Brunsson. Organized hypocrisy treats talk, decisions, and actions as independent elements meeting different demands from the environment with different answers. This may help a complex political organization like the UNSC to reduce the pressure from challenges, becau- se it allows for drawing legitimacy from several loose-coupled sources. A particular important such so- urce is the UNSC’s role as the only arena of global scope where representatives from the most powerful states regularly meet for discussions and possible decisions.
2

GLOBAL AND REGIONAL SECURITY. A RETURN TO MILITARY STRENGTH (?)

88%
Gizicki W.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2020
|
vol. 13
|
issue 1
4 – 17
EN
The aim of the paper is to analyse the importance of military power potential in the creation of modern international relations. Research data encompass the perspective of both states and international organisations and the analysis proper covers the issue of military strength as the main component defining the status and operational capability of states and international organisations in a crisis situation. Modern international relations are the resultant of multiple determinants. Over the past several dozen years it has been possible to observe various emphasis patterns as regards the majority of those. The phenomenon also affected, and that to a great extent, the perception of military strength. The strength in question still constitutes a basic factor determining the position of a state in political world order. However, there is no one, universally accepted and binding model of strength as a component of modern international relations. One can still come across arguments of supporters of both the so-called soft power and hard power approaches.
3

The EU Strategy towards the Central Asia Region. Policy Assessment and Some Recommendations for the Future

75%
Skrzydło A.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
|
2014
|
vol. 17
s.229-255
EN
The EU Strategy adopted in 2007 was the fi rst basic document which established a medium-term policy line in the relationship between Europe and Central Asia, for the first time perceived as a group of fi ve Central Asia countries which were former Soviet republics. Despite many defi ciencies in the Strategy and some setbacks on the part of the EU in the course of its implementation, the document has become an important reference point for numerous policies and actions taken vis-à-vis these fi ve Central Asia countries. In security terms, Europe perceives Central Asia as a border area separating Europe from the ‘area of instability’, and that philosophy greatly determined the set of policies formulated and applied in relations with the Central Asia countries. Most of them are still countries on the path to development, relying to a certain extent on foreign development and humanitarian aid, including European aid. At the same time, Europe has realised that this region is a potential source of strategic natural resources, including energy, which coincides with the EU’s search for greater diversity of energy sources and routes of its delivery, taking into consideration the current risks, challenges and limitations linked to Russia’s return to an assertive policy of power, confl icts with its neighbours (Ukraine), trade wars etc. The objective of this article is to outline the EU’s policies, concepts and approaches towards the Central Asia region and their modifi cation and adjustment to the current international dynamism and changing situation in the region itself, as well as to identify the global factors which eventually affect the relationship between Europe and the region. Additionally, some recommendations and suggestions with regard to a future EU Strategy are proposed, based on lessons learnt and analysis of the international environment.
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