Search results

1

Support or Public Work? The Potentials and Results of Communal Work in the Region of Northern Hungary

100%

Halasz Z. D., Liptak K., Szep T.

Zarządzanie Publiczne

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2010

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issue 3 (11)

123-136

EN

The subject of our article is the examination of 'working chance instead of support' programs. The basic element of the analysis is a questionnaire, which was filled in by the local governments and non-governmental organizations in the region of Northern Hungary. The results are analyzed with statistical methods (correlation, regression analysis etc.). The main goal is to get significant information, appraise the experiences of 'The Way to Work' Program, disclosing of development chances, presentation of settlement differences derived from the size. Finally we formulate suggestions to a sensitive employment policy.

2

KANT'S REJECTION OF THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION

100%

Azeri S.

Filozofia (Philosophy)

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2009

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vol. 64

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issue 6

592-603

EN

Kant's denial of right of revolution has bewildered many Kant's scholars. Kant sympathizes with French, American, and Irish revolutionaries. But in his 'Metaphysics of Morals' he rejects the right of revolution. Apparently, his stance represents a tension or a contradiction. Kant believes that a legitimate government should be based on the consent of the citizens. Thus, logically he is expected to affirm the right of citizens to disobedience. However, he also holds the view that citizens' moral obligation to obey the law is absolute. The author believes that Kant's rejection of the right of revolution does not represent a contradiction. Rather, it is the necessary consequence of Kant's metaphysics of subject and the notion of transcendental subjectivity.

3

O fundamentalnych zasadach polityki gopodarczej

100%

Jakobik W.

Contemporary Economics

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2007

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issue 2(2)

21-36

EN

The article contributes to the debate focused on the institutional principles of policies conducted by the fiscal as well as the monetary authorities. The author offers a brief review of the main relations between the aims of macroeconomic policy and the instruments that enable to fulfill the former. At the same time specific determinants of the aim-oriented decisions by the central bank or the government are reviewed. Last but not least in the analysis is the dilemma of policy mix coordination and the formal/informal status of the government as well as of the central bank is extensively discussed.

4

GOVERNMENT INTERVENTION AND FINANCIAL ACCESS: EVIDENCE FROM CHINA

100%

Fu T.

Ekonomický časopis (Journal of Economics)

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2017

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vol. 65

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issue 6

534 – 558

EN

This paper distinguishes between different forms of government intervention in a micro economy, including a firm’s tax burden, regulatory stringency, state shares and collective shares. The author offers a first attempt to explore how these types of government intervention affect a firm’s financial access. With evidence from China, he uses the 2005 World Bank Investor Climate survey data to confirm that a firm’s financial access is promoted by its tax burden and regulatory stringency but constrained by its state shares and collective shares. His estimates are robust to the potential endogeneity issue, the different measures of financial access and different samples. Given that most governments explicitly or implicitly dictate financial resources, this paper offers general applications for government policies or corporate finance.

5

ÚSTAVNÝ STATUS PREDSEDU VLÁDY

100%

Giba M.

Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)

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2023

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vol. 106

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issue 1

3 – 11

EN

In this article, the author deals with the question of whether, in terms of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic, the Prime Minister should be considered as a member of the Government. The question may seem strange or unnecessary at first glance. However, the need for its thorough and correct analysis has emerged from an opinion presented in the theory, according to which, where the Constitution speaks of members of the Government, it means all its members except for the Prime Minister. This opinion has been repeatedly presented by Radoslav Procházka. This article is a response to the stated opinion, which the author considers legally untenable. Based on the analysis of the constitutional position of the Prime Minister, the author demonstrates in detail why, in Slovakia, the Prime Minister has the status of a member of the Government and is to be considered as such. In the paper, the author also explains some essential connotations of the constitutional position of the Prime Minister.

6

LOCAL GOVERNMENTS OF MALOPOLSKA ON THE WEB - AN ATTEMPT OF EVALUATION (Samorzady Malopolski w internecie - próba oceny)

100%

Kupczak P.

e-mentor

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2010

|

issue 4(36)

68-74

EN

The article focuses on Internet usage by councils of town and councils of community from the Malopolska region. Technical and substantial evaluations of websites provide a recognition of positive standards and negative parameters.

7

DISPUTE ABOUT NUCLEAR ENERGY IN POLAND (Spor o budowe elektrowni jadrowych w Polsce)

100%

Wieczorek P.

Kontrola Państwowa

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2011

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vol. 56

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issue 5(340)

126-145

EN

The government's intentions to construct nuclear power plants in Poland are frequently regarded as a risky move, which will not only fail to solve the problems of the Polish power industry, but can threat the perspectives of other energy sources as well. After the explosion in the Fukushima nuclear plant, fears have also aroused as for the safety of such plants. The author of the article presents the arguments of both supporters and opponents of nuclear energy, and refers to the government's plans and the needs of the economy in the area.

8

PUBLIC LAW FOUNDATIONS IN THE POLISH LAW (Fundacje prawa publicznego w prawie polskim)

100%

Okon M.

Kontrola Państwowa

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2012

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vol. 57

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issue 1(342)

106-118

EN

Public law foundations appeared in the Polish law in the period between the First and the Second World Wars and since then, with the exception of a forty-year break in the times of communism, have been present in the state administration structure. At present, these are the Ossolinski Family National Institution (the Ossolineum) under the patronage of the President of Poland, the Public Opinion Research Centre (CBOS), and the Kornickie Institution (Polish: Zaklady Kornickie) under the honorary patronage of the President of Poland and the Primate of Poland. These foundations have been established on the basis of separate legal acts, equipped with property from the State, entrusted with public tasks and they are supervised by top government administration bodies. However, the lack of comprehensive regulations with regard to their legal status and application of the act on foundations in cases which are not regulated may lead to numerous problems in practice. The author presents the origins, specifics and legal basis of public law foundations' performance in Poland, indicating what changes should be introduced to the regulations in the area.

9

DEMISIA VLÁDY Z DÔVODU DEMISIE JEJ PREDSEDU

88%

Giba M.

Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)

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2021

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vol. 104

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issue 4

306 – 317

EN

In this article, the author analyses the provision of Art. 116 par. 5 of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic. As a result of the resignation of the Prime Minister, this provision enshrines the resignation of the entire government, but does not specify exactly how these processes should take place. In recent times (2018, 2021), the constitutional practice has twice produced a situation where the government ceased to exist due to the resignation of the Prime Minister. In both cases, there have been steps on the part of the government that can be assessed as illogical and incorrect. The aim of the author is to subject this course of action to a critical analysis, taking into account the constitutional definition and functioning of resignation in the conditions of Slovakia. On this basis, the main goal of the author is to formulate how all procedures should be conducted in a constitutionally compliant manner in the event that the government is resigned due to the resignation of the Prime Minister.

10

EPORTFOLIOS AND RELATIONAL SPACE IN THE EARLY EDUCATION ENVIRONMENT

88%

Gallagher A.

Pedagogický časopis (Journal of Pedagogy)

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2018

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vol. 9

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issue 1

23 – 44

EN

This paper considers the role of eportfolios as an online tool intended to foster greater engagement between parent, teacher and child in early education settings. Drawing on New Zealand based research, the author will critically examine the introduction of this technology as more than an addition into already existing ECEC services. Rather, the author will highlight the generative impact it has in facilitating new kinds of relations between parents, teachers and managers, within what he term an emergent ‘virtual landscape of ECEC’. Ultimately the author argues that this landscape is shaped by asymmetries of power, which allow for processes of subjectification and governing in ECEC to occur in new ways.

11

Informatsiyna bezpeka yak osnova natsional'noyi bezpeky

88%

Bondar I. B.

Mekhanizm Rehuluvannya Economiky

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2014

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vol. 1 (63)

68-76

EN

National information policy is an important component of foreign and domestic policy of the country and covers all areas of society. The rapid development of the information field is accompanied by fundamentally new security interests of the individual, society, the state and its national security. The components of the state information policy on information security and the basic activities of public authorities in this field are reviewed in the article. The internal and external information challenges facing Ukraine and ways of ensuring information security are analysed. Information security is seen as a component of national security, as well as a global problem of information security, information space, information sovereignty and information support decision-making. The proposed approach to ensure continuity of operation of the process of information security to monitor new threats, the risks and levels of intensity.

12

CALCULATION OF ECOLOGICAL LOSSES FROM EXPLOITATION OF INNOVATIONS

88%

Yakovlev A.

Nauka ta naukoznavstvo (Science and Science of Science)

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2009

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issue 1

53-57

EN

Innovation may have negative environmental effects. Their calculation becomes even more complicated, because negative environmental effects of innovations, as well as effects of measures aimed at their elimination or reduction are calculated by the traditional scheme 'producer - consumer'. Therefore, another component should be added: consumers of negative environmental effects of innovations' generation and exploitation. Because innovation-related effects and losses are felt by several categories of consumers, they should be calculated for the three consumer segments: business enterprises; population; government. For business enterprises, the above mentioned effects can be reduced fish catch, degraded fertility of agricultural lands, which causes harvest reduction. For population, the effects can be smaller production output in food and other consumer industries, along with reduction of employment and, consequently, of purchasing capacity of the population; higher expenditures related with supply of high quality foods and other products to the population of the ecologically unsafe region, causing price growth and losses for population; shortage of high quality food, causing body dysfunctions. Also, negative environmental effects increase the mortality rate, which, accordingly, increases government expenditures on social compensations, while absence of workers on job cause income losses (although the latter are losses of business enterprises). For government, losses may occur due to reduction in tax inflows, or due to the increased expenditures on unemployment benefits, due to shrinking consumption of households, as a result of unemployment growth. For each category of losses in the above three segments, algorithms are shown.

13

DYNAMICS OF THE PARTY SYSTEM IN SPAIN IN THE LIGHT OF THE GENERAL ELECTIONS

88%

Měšťánková P.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2023

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vol. 12

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issue 2

5 – 23

EN

This study examines the transformation of the Spanish party system, particularly in the context of the July 2023 general elections. Over the last decade, the party system has become more fragmented and polarized. From a two-party format, the contest has gradually turned into a competition between two blocs: the right and the left. The July 2023 general elections showed that the party system has partially stabilized, with the mainstream parties (PP and PSOE) recovering, but not enough to form a single-party government. Support from regional parties remains essential for forming a central government. However, the possibilities for cooperation between political parties are limited by the nature of the party blocs, and the high degree of ideological and social polarization.

14

CHILD- CENTRED PEDAGOGIES, CURRICULUM REFORMS AND NEOLIBERALISM. MANY CAUSES FOR CONCERN, SOME REASONS FOR HOPE

88%

Rodríguez E.

Pedagogický časopis (Journal of Pedagogy)

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2013

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vol. 4

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issue 1

59 – 78

EN

This article maps some of the ways in which neoliberalism, pedagogy, and curriculum are closely interconnected. Looking at the Spanish curriculum reform during the first Socialist administration in the late 1980s and early 1990s, it explicitly identifies child-centred pedagogies as an important tool in articulating the neoliberal agenda in curriculum reforms around the world. It explores the way Spain uncritically embraced these curriculum reforms with a notion of the individual not defined by the educational needs of the country but by the neoliberal rationality dominating Spain’s political and economic transition at the time. Based on this analysis and on the way child-centred pedagogies have been implemented in education reforms around the world, this article considers the question of whether such pedagogies can really work toward the democratic ideals they claim to serve. The article concludes by offering some reflections on this question and by calling for a larger and interdisciplinary conversation on the ideological possibilities of these pedagogies.

15

НЕМЕЦКАЯ МОДЕЛЬ „ПАРТИЙНО-ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ ДЕМОКРАТИИ“

88%

Kľučkovič A.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2015

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vol. 4

|

issue 1

67 – 73

EN

In the article the critical analysis of the main aspects of the party-government interaction in the Federal Republic of Germany is carried out. There are historical, conceptual, constitutional and legal, practical and political, and others. The fundamental approaches in German state-legal and political thought about evaluation of modern party role in German political system are considered. The influence of political parties on the formation and functioning of the state system is highlighted. The article proves that the party influence on the higher bodies of state power is much more intensive than it is provided for in the legal regulations. The thesis is also concerned with the place of parties in ensuring the cooperation between the state and society in Germany. The author notes the deformation of parties’ democracy in Germany, close connection between political parties and the state, weakening status of the political parties as public representants.

16

THE IMPACT OF AID ON THE FISCAL BEHAVIOUR OF GOVERNMENTS IN TRANSITION ECONOMIES

88%

Erden L., Güven A.

Ekonomický časopis (Journal of Economics)

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2009

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vol. 57

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issue 5

445-457

EN

AThis study contributes to the aid-effectiveness literature by applying a fiscal response model to a panel of 24 transition nations over the periods 1990 - 2005. The study employs various dynamic panel estimation methods in an effort to analyze the impact of foreign aid on governments' fiscal behaviour; that is, government investment, government consumption, public revenue creation and borrowing activities. The findings shed some light on the aid-growth nexus, indicating that aid promotes government investment while does not influence government consumption behaviour. Further, there appears to be a positive association between aid and public borrowing, which can be detrimental to the growth process in transition economies.

17

WLADYSLAW GRABSKI'S GOVERNMENT (FROM 23RD OF JUNE TO 24TH OF JULY, 1920) (Rzad Wladyslawa Grabskiego (23 VI-24 VII 1920 r.), sklad, dzialalnosc i pozycja wobec Rady Obrony Panstwa)

88%

Goclon J.

Klio. Czasopismo poświęcone dziejom Polski i powszechnym

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2011

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issue 3(18)

75-111

EN

After establishing a new government with Prime Minister Wladyslaw Grabski, because of the fear from the Red Army coming closer to the border, one of the most signifying ideas was to create the Council for the Defence of the State, which could seize part of the Parliament duties and privileges. The Parliament bill, enacted rapidly, defined very wide authority of the Council, including passing regulations and ordinances, which ought to be fulfilled immediately. It was obligatory, that those ordinances, which needed to be fulfilled by Parliament, were to be approved during the next session. That means, the whole system of constituting the law by the Parliament was not restrained, but limited, because the Council got authority to make decisions and force governing bodies to act rapidly. The Council was not 'a government', but it enabled to coordinate all state functions with an economic activity and the headquarters' work. Not violating the basis of political system, it was possible to intervene on all fields of state duties. The fact is, that establishing the Council for the Defence of the State weakened the government, as well as the Prime Minister's position. But also his fatuous decision about going to Spa for the meeting with British Prime Minister, with humiliating proposition of conditions of a truce, if only Russian invasion would be stopped, had weakened the position of whole government. Despite the Council for the Defence of the State, government still worked, and after the 1st of July it made eight sessions. Nevertheless, international politics pursued by W. Grabski, especially the case of a Spa meeting, considerably weakened the position of whole government, criticized for the whole period of its shortly existence, and even fought by left-centre factions.

18

KAROL I. A MESTÁ

88%

Zsoldos A.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2015

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vol. 63

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issue 2

195 – 208

EN

The study examines certain elements of the policy of King Charles I concerning towns. The king issued almost 150 charters concerning more than fifty towns between 1310 and 1342. The analysis of these charters leads to the conclusion that during the reign of Charles I of Hungary the practice of donating privileges to the communities of hospes had two types following the pattern developed in the 13th century: some received the totality of privileges (towns), while others were only granted parts of them (free villages). However, it can also be noticed that from the second half of his reign new elements appear in Charles‘s policy. He gave also privileges to settlements owed by landlords, and, at the same time, the notion of a town involved it being fortified more often than before. It is worth noting that Charles I never granted the full privilege of a town to settlements in the north-eastern part of Hungary, in Transylvania or in Slavonia. The reason for this is that these regions formed the three biggest honours of Charles‘s kingdom. The owner received all the royal revenues of the territory of the honour including those of the free villages. It was not in the interest of Charles I, whose system of government relied much on the services of the honours, to decrease the income of the honours.

19

NÁRODNÁ RADA SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY V PARLAMENTNEJ FORME VLÁDY

75%

Nikodým D.

Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)

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2015

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vol. 98

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issue 6

571 - 589

EN

The author refers to the development of the political scene since 1989 to these days. Regular rotation of coherent poliltical partes in theNational Council has not been apparent in individual electoral terms; many of them have even shown signs of fragmentation. In the current electoral term the left-wing party is homogenous, while the righ-wing parties are fragmented. The author refers to problems of the electoral sytem, which does not guarantee an adequate representation of candidates from different regions in the electorial district. He recommends considering the adoption of a mixed electoral system or the establishment of the second, regional chamber of parliament. He refers also to the functioning of the political system in democratic foreign countries, taking into account the classification of democratic regimes, which are applied in conditions of competitive democracy or its antipole - consociational democracy. Further, the author addresses the issue of weakness in the legal regulation of referendum in terms of its legal effects, participation of interst groups in the law-making and participation of citizens in elections and makes suggestions for treatment of de lege ferenda.

20

RETROSPECTIVES AND PERSPECTIVES ON THE CHOICE OF SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN STATEHOOD

75%

S. Lytvyn V.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2022

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vol. 11

|

issue 2

5 - 62

EN

The article focuses on the issues of retrospectives and perspectives of the choice of system of government in the history of Ukrainian statehood from the beginning of the 20th century until today. On the one hand, the study aims to systematize the evolution of political systems and systems of government within the framework of history of Ukrainian statehood. On the other hand, the research seeks to develop a holistic view of what are the risks and prospects of the current system of government in Ukraine. Given this, the article characterizes and systematizes the conditions and evolution of political systems, as well as basic political institutions in the triangle “the head of state – cabinet – parliament” in various historical states and state entities on the territory of contemporary Ukraine. Based on this, the author verifies the extent to which the current system of government in Ukraine follows the previous/historical inter-institutional designs and corresponds to the “path dependence” concept. Finally, special attention is paid to verification the argument that the current system of government in Ukraine needs to be reformed or optimized, including in view of institutional, political and legal heritage of political institutions in Ukraine in the past, as well as given the experience of other European countries.

Refine search results

Support or Public Work? The Potentials and Results of Communal Work in the Region of Northern Hungary

KANT'S REJECTION OF THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION

O fundamentalnych zasadach polityki gopodarczej

GOVERNMENT INTERVENTION AND FINANCIAL ACCESS: EVIDENCE FROM CHINA

ÚSTAVNÝ STATUS PREDSEDU VLÁDY

LOCAL GOVERNMENTS OF MALOPOLSKA ON THE WEB - AN ATTEMPT OF EVALUATION (Samorzady Malopolski w internecie - próba oceny)

DISPUTE ABOUT NUCLEAR ENERGY IN POLAND (Spor o budowe elektrowni jadrowych w Polsce)

PUBLIC LAW FOUNDATIONS IN THE POLISH LAW (Fundacje prawa publicznego w prawie polskim)

DEMISIA VLÁDY Z DÔVODU DEMISIE JEJ PREDSEDU

EPORTFOLIOS AND RELATIONAL SPACE IN THE EARLY EDUCATION ENVIRONMENT

Informatsiyna bezpeka yak osnova natsional'noyi bezpeky

CALCULATION OF ECOLOGICAL LOSSES FROM EXPLOITATION OF INNOVATIONS

DYNAMICS OF THE PARTY SYSTEM IN SPAIN IN THE LIGHT OF THE GENERAL ELECTIONS

CHILD- CENTRED PEDAGOGIES, CURRICULUM REFORMS AND NEOLIBERALISM. MANY CAUSES FOR CONCERN, SOME REASONS FOR HOPE

НЕМЕЦКАЯ МОДЕЛЬ „ПАРТИЙНО-ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ ДЕМОКРАТИИ“

THE IMPACT OF AID ON THE FISCAL BEHAVIOUR OF GOVERNMENTS IN TRANSITION ECONOMIES

WLADYSLAW GRABSKI'S GOVERNMENT (FROM 23RD OF JUNE TO 24TH OF JULY, 1920) (Rzad Wladyslawa Grabskiego (23 VI-24 VII 1920 r.), sklad, dzialalnosc i pozycja wobec Rady Obrony Panstwa)

KAROL I. A MESTÁ

NÁRODNÁ RADA SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY V PARLAMENTNEJ FORME VLÁDY

RETROSPECTIVES AND PERSPECTIVES ON THE CHOICE OF SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN STATEHOOD