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EN
The study focuses on several examples of representations of the theme of attacking lions and its importance both in Cyprus and Greece. It can be observed on artefacts of bronze, pottery, stone etc. It dates mainly in the Cypro-Classical period when this particular theme became popular, often adopted by Phoenician rulers of the ancient town of Kition on the island of Cyprus.
Psychological Studies
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2006
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vol. 44
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issue 1
35-46
EN
The study aimed at exploring the meaning of having grandchildren, of roles played and emotions experienced by grandparents towards grandchildren in China, Greece and Poland. The research questionnaire was constructed by the authoress. In all three cultures the fact of having grandchildren had an overwhelming positive meaning, beneficial psychologically and socially. Grandparents from China, Greece and Poland fulfilled two basic roles towards grandchildren: recreational-educational and caring. Chinese grandparents performed these two roles with the same frequency, whereas the recreational-educational role dominated in Poland and Greece. Common result was bigger engagement of grandmothers in activities concerning grandchildren. Additionally, contact with grandchildren provided grandparents with a Positive emotional balance, the highest felt by Polish grandparents, the lowest by Chinese. Analyses revealed that main variables responsible for these differences were two cultural dimensions from GLOBE project (House et al., 2004): Power distance and Humane orientation, both as negative predictors of Positive emotional balance. The study suggests that in cultures characterized by traditionally extended family systems grandchildren play positive and crucial role in their grandparents lives.
EN
The present paper explores Greek views on Achaemenid Persia during the imperial period. Although deeply influenced by their classical counterparts, Greek intellectuals of the imperial period put forward new interpretations of several Achaemenid practices and institutions. These innovative approaches reinforced even further the disparagement of a nation that represented not only the historical enemy of Greece but also the progenitor of Parthia, Rome’s current main opponent in the East.
EN
The slogan that prefaces the paper provides the theoretical caveat for the tensions, limitations, and contradictions of academic discourses in conjuring the daily realities of the era of the ‘refugee crisis’ in Greece. This paper has the form of a dialogue between a sociologist and photographer (Myrto) and a political theorist and activist(Anna) who investigate different forms of the ways the ‘refugee crisis’ is changing the socio-political landscapes in Greece. The multiple aspects of our identities provide valuable tools with which we unpack the multiple and contradictory narratives of researching, learning, and disseminating in the current milieu. In particular, we are interested in the ways we shape knowledge and the tension between the epistemological and the ontological ways of knowing. In other words, by moving from theory to praxis and back, we are attempting to reconcile the problem of knowing and the problem of being part of a specific crisis milieu. For example, how can we use crisis as a research methodology? What can we learn from the ongoing ‘refugee crisis’ in relation to issues of citizenship, belonging, and the future of the European project? Furthermore, the paper attempts to transcend discursive borders between social sciences and the humanities by analysing the deeply performative, situated and embodied practices of doing research in moments of crisis. For example, how to navigate multiple, and at times contradictory, aspects of one’s identity without returning to outmoded discourses of positivism and objectivity?
EN
The author discusses the development of early thrusting swords in the Bronze Age Aegean (Types A and B) and their Anatolian and Levantine counterparts. Both in the Aegean and the Near East continuous developments produced almost simultaneously similar types of thrusting sword, but there is no reason to assume that the Anatolian or Levantine types had any appreciable influence in the Aegean and vice versa. Arguments for the Aegean pedigree of the Type A sword follow. The flanged-hilted type B sword was introduced not to replace that of Type A, but as a result of developments in fencing. It is argued for the integrated use of the long Type A sword and the Type B dirk or sword; in a set of two swords the latter had probably the function of an auxiliary weapon intended, first of all, for parrying a blow.
EN
The case of Greece as the most recent neoliberal experiment can provide valuable insights not only about a generalized attack on the welfare state and the public good, but also about the radical changes in public education that are altering its public mission, vision, and goals. In this paper first we trace the educational landscape in Greece as it emerges both from the reform in primary and secondary education and from the new law 4009 on higher education. The on-going government discourse on education is shaped and constructed along the lines of a market-driven society and unapologetically espouses the neoliberal dogma that aims to convert education into training, universities into corporations, knowledge into a service or commodity, and students into clients. We further examine the official public discourse as illustrated in government documentation in an attempt to map out the marked shift from the university as a public good to the university as corporate entity, and highlight the particular ways in which this is done. The new educational legislation sets the stage for an education where the individual will thrive through relentless competition, where collectivity is abolished, where only “useful” knowledge counts and where “quality” and “excellence” serve as the excuse for a corporate standardization of the university and the academic life and thought.
EN
In the final stages of the civil war (1948-1949), Greek refugees started coming to Czechoslovak exile. Assisted by party cadres, the KKE government in Bucharest exile and Czechoslovak organs, the emigrants slowly started establishing themselves in the Czechoslovak society. Their incorporation was tied with the political progress and escalation of cold war, which dictated their social status in their new homeland. The community had to abandon thoughts of a speedy return to Greece and accept the fact that their stay in Czechoslovakia would be long, if not even permanent. The authoress used archive materials and accessible historiography to examine how the Greek immigrants coped with directives issued not only by their own communist head office and the party establishment of the hosting Czechoslovakia, but also by the Soviet Union. It shows how the individual actors met territorially and exterritorialy and what finally contributed to the Greeks' final naturalization in Czechoslovakia.
EN
In the long history of Greek reality, religiosity underwent substantial changes in its approaches and beliefs, a fact that also involved the need for linguistic adaptations in order to express new concepts and requirements of worship. Monolectic names or periphrasis influenced by the Greek philosophical tradition as a result of its use throughout the history of the Greek letters appear until today without losing their religious concept. For instance, the monolectic name ἄδυτον which appeared in the 8th century BC is being used until now.
EN
During the Bulgarian-Italian-German occupation of Greece, the anti-communist National Liberation Front (EAM) allowed creation of a special branch responsible for northern Greece Slav population called Slavomakedonski narodno-osvoboditelen front - SNOF. Guerrilla troops belonging to this organisation, however, came under Tito's control and the leaders started promoting unification of Greek Macedonia with Yugoslav (Vardar) Macedonia. The Slav Macedonian formations were thus either dissolved under the pressure of the Greek guerrilla army (ELAS), or retreated to Yugoslavia. After liberation of Greece in spring 1945, a new organisation of Greek Slav Macedonians (Narodno-osvobotelen front - NOF) was created at Tito's urge. The Greek communist party initially promoted a Greek character of the Slav Macedonians and accused the organisation of separatism. When the second phase of the civil war broke out, however, it changed its standpoint and started collaborating with NOF. Enforcement of the Slav Macedonians into the leadership of the Greek communist army (DSE) and the so-called 'Mountain Government' was not welcomed by the communist opponents or even the communists themselves. This fact, together with a dispute between Tito and Stalin, resulted in decrease of power of the Greek communist party and contributed to the final defeat of the guerrilla army in August 1949. The defeat of DSE had a serious impact on the Slav population of northern Greece. Most of the people were forced to immigrate together with the communist partisans to the People's Democratic States, including Czechoslovakia, where the Slav Macedonians made up about one third of Greek emigration.
ELPIS
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2012
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vol. 14
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issue 25-26
41-63
EN
I this paper some aspects of “globalization” in its relation to the Orthodox Church have been outlined and studied with a special consideration of the Orthodox Church in Greece. A history of the phenomena of “globalization” in history of humankind as associated with institutions of political, economical and social character has been presented. Through spiritual teaching of the Orthodox Church and examples from everyday life the paper’s author has taken note of timeless symptoms of reaction of Orthodox Christianity to that phenomenon and the problems associated with it. On of the negative manifestations of the “globalization” in the contemporary world is an economical crisis which has become a challenge not only in a material dimension, but also in spiritual one. Nonetheless there are no official documents nor any official statements concerning “globalization” or interpretation of the phenomenon have been issued by a forum of Local Orthodox Churches so far concerning the matter. Some changes in this situation are being brought by initiatives undertaken by the Orthodox Church in Greece and the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church through this conference attempting to study the problem of “globalization” from the Orthodox perspective.
11
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SPOR MEDZI GRÉCKOM A TURECKOM O KONTINENTÁLNY ŠELF

88%
EN
The article aims to explain the notion of the continental shelf and discusses it as a subject of the dispute between Turkey and Greece and its impact on the international scene. First, the author focuses on a description of the notion of the continental shelf and its historical basis within the scope of international law. The following parts set out the aspects of the Aegean Sea and its political, historical, and economic significance, the characterization of the dispute by these terms, and possible solutions to this issue on the side of international law of the sea.
EN
The article is focused on the public presentation of (not only) influential persons – the aristocracy, high-ranking citizens (euergetes and benefactors) in ancient Greece in the period from the end of the 5th century BC to the 2nd century AD – through structures known as exedrae. These architectural features, located on sites that are part of the cultural heritage, can still be found in situ in the entire Eastern Mediterranean region. Presented will be case examples of exedrae and their connection to social presentation as well as the issue of the primary purpose of their construction. In conclusion, two cases of these types of structures and its fate will be mentioned in connection with its removal from the original findspot in effort to present it in a museum.
13
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Pomacká menšina v Řecku

88%
EN
The article deals with the position of Pomaks - Slavic speaking Muslims - in Greece since 1919 when the region where Pomaks live was annected by Greece. Greece doesn't officially recognize Pomaks as an ethnic minority and Pomaks' cultural and religious rights are protected only by their membership in the Western Thrace Muslim Minority, consisting of Pomaks, Turks and Roma people. Despite that fact the Greek State attempted to create a specific Pomak policy in past, especially in years after the Cyprus Crisis of 1974. Appart from Pomaks-state relations, the position of Pomaks within the Muslim Minority is also analysed in the article, with special focus on the Greek Turks' turkifying campaign that seems to have succeeded in case of vast majority of Greek Pomaks.
Studia Psychologica
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2011
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vol. 53
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issue 3
307-311
EN
Cognitive processing of temporal information is based on multiple domains of knowledge including psychological and physical ones. The notion of age is an aspect of psychological time that can be conceived as a 'lived-experienced' time, whereas the notion of duration is an aspect of physical time. This research examines whether the acquisition of the notions of age and duration during cognitive development is simultaneous, as is suggested by the piagetian thesis, or successive, as recent research has shown. Four problems concerning past and future age and duration notions were presented to 146 Greek pupils aged 6 to 9 yrs. Pupils were asked to answer the questions and justify their answers. It is shown that a) in problems asking about past events, both age and duration are very difficult for children, b) problems asking about the future are easier and, contrary to the piagetian thesis, the acquisition of age in fact precedes duration. Moreover, cognitive boundaries during development are considered.
EN
This article follows an earlier essay 'Zdrzenlivy internacionalismus (the Restrained Internationalism)' by the late Balkanist Pavel Hradecny which analysed Czechoslovak material aid to the Greek communist partisans after the end of WWII. The new essay, supported by archival resources of predominantly Czech origin, aims at certain 'lateral', hitherto unknown aspects of the Czechoslovak involvement in the Greek civil war and immediately after its end when 12,000 Greek immigrants found refuge in Czechoslovakia. The second chapter explains the role of Czechoslovak security services during establishment and operation of the so-called diversionists' school of Greek communists in Moravia in the critical 'Cold-War' period of 1950-1951. The third chapter reconstructs Czechoslovak participation in the subsequent illegal missions taken by the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) in the 'monarch-Fascist' Greece. The final fourth chapter clarifies the role of Czechoslovak repressive organs in purges of the Greek communist leaders against 'unreliable elements' that were active within the Greek emigres in Czechoslovakia.
EN
Greek politicians tend to more intensively use their social media accounts during the pre-electoral periods. In general, Syriza had to fight both established mainstream parties and the mainstream media since it´s founding, including while in power. Yet Syriza's campaign on the Internet between 2006 and 2015 relied mainly on alternative media activists. In 2019, Alexis Tsipras prioritized sharing content from digital sources (mainly own created content such as comments or videos posted on his FB page) and occasionally articles from the websites of newspapers or links from the Syriza website or FB account. Not surprisingly, there were no links shared from radio or TV stations. The content shared by Tsipras, other than his own messaging which constituted the vast majority of his posts, came from predominantly left or centre-left publications. The reciprocity network of Tsipras was limited to posts shared between the account of Alexis Tsipras and the official account of his party. The accounts that shared the posts of Alexis Tsipras were either accounts or pages dedicated to Alexis Tsipras or Syriza. The communication strategy of Alexis Tsipras lacked a discernible “populist pattern” of communication, at least in terms of the types of sources shared and the type of social media network that the leader of Syriza participates in.
EN
Since 1991, when Macedonia became independent, integration with Western structures – the European Union and the NATO – has been its main foreign policy objective. All Macedonian governments have consistently worked towards implementing the political, economic and social reforms required by the Copenhagen criteria. To a certain extent, the EU appreciated Macedonia’s efforts: in 2005, it granted Macedonia, known as FYROM, the status of a candidate country. However, the implementation of internal reforms alone has proved insuffi cient to commence the accession negotiations. The path to the EU is still blocked by unsettled issues with Greece and Bulgaria. The government in Athens demands that Macedonia settle the dispute over its name and accuses it of appropriating Greek historical heritage. Sofi a, in turn, accuses Skopje of falsifying history and discriminating against the Bulgarian minority living on the territory of the Republic of Macedonia.
EN
Populist leaders tend to be more popular and more followed than their parties or movements. Exceptions, like Igor Matovič, or Jaroslaw Kaczynski, confirm the rule. The major differences in party versus leader´s popularity („likes“) could be found for Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Matteo Salvini, Alexis Tsipras and their respective parties. These three leaders were clearly FB stars (with caveat that Tsipras was actually not populist in his communication) and their parties seemed to be much less relevant for those who used FB. The most negative significant divergence in popularity on FB between a party and a party leader was noticed in the case of PiS and Jaroslaw Kaczyński. Kaczyński´s FB page could be called as a niche phenomenon in Polish political communication. Also, Kaczyński was the least frequent actual user of FB among party leaders as well as the leader with the lowest popularity („likes“ in absolute and relative numbers) among political leaders in our sample among FB users. Similarly, FB seemed to be a rather irrelevant tool for PiS considering its FB popularity, although PiS actually communicated quite actively on this platform. While populists tend to be associated with alternative, highly biased, radical or conspiratorial media sources, the analyses in the national case studies showed that these types of sources were exceptions rather than the norm in almost all cases. The most often shared sources were digital sources or social networks. The least often shared were radio or TV channels. The rather ambiguous ideology promoted by Luigi di Maio and Boris Kollár was also reflected in their preferences for ideologically diverse media sources.
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