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EN
This discussion assesses the utility of Goffman’s thinking about conversational interaction for illuminating features of a research interview between one of the two authors (LM) and a fellow social work professional. We use this case to explore aspects of Goffman’s contribution to the sociological understanding of spoken interaction. While many of his ideas offer rich sources of guidance for interactionist and qualitative researchers, the value of Goffman’s (1974) concept of “dramaturgical replaying” has been overlooked. We trace the leading themes of Goffman’s thinking about conversational interaction and show how they can provide an analysis of the story of the “Nearest Relative” that is attentive to its live, improvised enactment. Goffman’s approach to storytelling is shown to be distinct from but complementary to conversation analytic approaches to storytelling.
EN
The author uses autoethnography to analyze one of the “microworlds of motherhood”. The interpretation of this particular “microworld” in this text is made from the perspective of Erving Goffman’s “frame” as a scheme of interpretation “anchored” in the marinization of everyday life. The author, referring to the literature on research on motherhood and the feeling of loneliness, attempts to redefine the frame of a single mother. The autoethnographic approach here is a “frame performance” and an invitation for the readers to reflect on their own parental experiences and to delve into their own parental emotions.
PL
Autorka za pomocą metody autoetnografii poddaje analizie jeden z „mikroświatów macierzyństwa”. Interpretacja tego „mikroświata” odbywa się w tym tekście z perspektywy Goffmanowskiej „ramy” jako schematu interpretacji „zakotwiczonej” w marynizacji życia codziennego. Autorka, odwołując się do literatury dotyczącej badań nad macierzyństwem oraz uczuciem samotności, podejmuje próbę redefinicji ramy samotnej matki. Podejście autoetnograficzne stanowi tutaj „performans ramowy” oraz zaproszenie do refleksji nad własnymi doświadczeniami rodzicielskimi czytelników i do zagłębienia się we własne emocje rodzicielskie.
EN
Neighbouring as a type of social interchange and multi-dimensional social phenomenon is of fundamental importance in the social sciences and problems associated with intercultural and interethnic neighbouring are currently on the increase. Contemporary migration processes and ethnic diversity in Poland are relatively new issues that are reflected in the experiences of both migrants and representatives of the host society. The aim of this article is to analyse intercultural neighbourly contacts between Poles and migrants in Warsaw in the context of Erving Goffman’s sociology of interaction. These contacts and the social processes they involve are of great importance when it comes to migrants’ integration in their new place of residence. The article considers how glances, gestures and behaviours are interpreted, leading to the formation of specific opinions and attitudes between migrants and Poles. Both ‘unfocused’ and ‘focused’ interactions are analysed, with an emphasis on expectations and definitions of tactful behaviour in intercultural neighbourly encounters and the concept of ‘polite indifference.’ Conclusions are based on semi-structured interviews conducted with Poles and migrants from Vietnam, Turkey and African countries living in Warsaw, Poland.
PL
Goffmanowska koncepcja instytucji totalnych stępiła się i rodzi dziś więcej pytań, niż udziela odpowiedzi. Z perspektywy ponad pięćdziesięciu lat od wydania Asylums, narosło wokół pracy wiele nieporozumień, a definicja stała się rozmyta i niejasna, umożliwiając używanie jej do opisu nieomal każdej instytucji społecznej. Artykuł ma na celu zmianę tej sytuacji i zaproponowanie skorygowanej, wyostrzonej i dostosowanej do zmieniającej się rzeczywistości społecznej definicji koncepcji instytucji totalnych. Tok argumentacji rozpoczyna ulokowanie koncepcji w historii badań społecznych oraz w kontekstach jej aplikowalności. Kolejny krok stanowi rekonstrukcja krytycznych stanowisk na przestrzeni lat, pozwalająca zidentyfikować słabe i mocne punkty Goffmanowskiej propozycji. Następnie artykuł podąża za intelektualnymi dłużnikami Goffmana, którzy udoskonalają lub budują konkurencyjne propozycje teoretyczne na bazie przemyśleń dotyczących instytucji totalnych. Na końcu, korzystając z prezentowanych wcześniej w artykule uwag oraz pomysłów innych badaczy, zostaje przedstawiona autorska rekonfiguracja koncepcji instytucji totalnych.
EN
Goffman’s concept of total institutions seems to have lost its significance and raises a lot of questions. From the perspective of more than 50 years since the first publication of Asylums, there has been a great deal of confusion surrounding this work. The definition of total institutions itself is fuzzy and ambiguous, applicable to almost any social institution. This article aims at offering a corrected, precise and upto-date definition of total institutions. It starts with placing the concept in the context of other social studies and its applicability. Then it moves on to reconstruct the critical comments, identifying the weak and strong points of Goffman’s concept. It discusses other alternative theoretical constructs which build on his work. Finally, the author formulates a reconfiguration of the concept.
EN
Seeing sociology visually adds a sense of realness to the viewer compared to only reading sociological texts. In this paper, I aim to provide an example of how a single scene from a feature film can be utilized as a practical and meaningful means to analyze a social situation and to help students of sociology to grasp key features of Goffman’s theory of interaction order. More precisely, the main aims of the paper are 1) to illustrate Goffman’s theory of the interaction order by identifying acts of disruption and alignment in interaction through a film clip; and 2) to attempt to analyze, in a Goffmanian sense, what is really going on in the situational interaction. The scene is from the 2013 American movie August: Osage County and follows a dinner of immediate family in the wake of the funeral of the hostess’s late husband. The normative and civilized interaction of the meal is, however, jeopardized by the hostile and provocative mood of the hostess, as she repeatedly disrupts the interaction order with attempts to mock and/or uncover the hidden and vulnerable truths of the immediate members of her family, exemplifying her power status in the particular situation. The dinner guests, however, try to overlook and resist the provocation of the hostess and stick to their predetermined roles to save and sustain their idealized selves (their faces) and the interaction order (the faces of others), In doing so they, on the one hand, discard the uncomfortable truths acclaimed by the hostess and, on the other, explain the hostess’s provocative actions in terms of their claim that she is unwell and in need of medical attention. Thus, the attacked dinner guests in the scene align more alliance to the interaction order than to truth itself.
EN
Traditionally mental life of the person goes into "seclusion" called his/her interior. It is believed that because of its secret nature of the it and because it is not immediately given to other subject who may – at best – guess of what "goes in". Free access one has got only to his/her own experiences (feelings, emotions, thoughts etc.). In the twentieth century (and a bit earlier) this traditional view is criticizedand changed. As a fruit of this criticism emerged the opposite trend: the knowledge of both my and his/her inner experience is explain by introducing an element that allows this knowledge and is placed outside any of them. I call it the impersonal sphere of nobody – supra-individual matrix of the knowledge of my and his/her mental life. In this article I try to indicate the origin of the idea of this sphere giving its main characteristics. A description is based on the views of known philosophers: Nietzsche, Scheler and Wittgenstein and one sociologist – Goffman.
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XX
The question I would like to ask in this aritcle is: what is the source of human behaviour in everyday life? The question belongs to the field of philosophical anthropology and can be formulated also as following: what it the subject of human behaviour? The answer to this question seems to be obvious. Who if not the individual himself could be an animator of the things he does? Especially when we think of his everyday activities. In what other contexts, if not in the private sphere, human behavior would seem more dependent on the man himself? Setting up this question I tried to refute these obvious. I try to demonstrate that the source of human behavior has nothing to do with so called individual human will. I try to show that the meanings attach to human actions do not depend on an individal, even if it they take place "in the privacy of somebody's home”. I will try to prove it using Ludwig Wittgenstein's remarks concerning the voluntary and involuntary movements and Goffman's remark on human condition as an actor.
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