Search results - CEJSH

1

Pierwsza wojna światowa z perspektywy Wielkiej Brytanii – bilans zysków i strat

100%

Jeziorny D.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 2(355)

49-69

EN

Great Britain, famous for her balance of power policy during the nineteenth century, got involved in the Great War because the growth of German power challenged this European balance of power. The German aggression on Belgium demanded concrete counter-action on the part of London, where the Napoleonic times were still remembered. Great Britain fought mainly against Germany for four years and won the war. Nevertheless, the First World War had no winner. Although Britain achieving her basic political, colonial, military and economic postulates the losses were overwhelming and the whole British power was seriously weakened. Without any doubts this influenced the government’s internal and foreign policy in the interwar period. It was felt in the British capital that participation in any subsequent conflict on such a huge scale would result in the destruction of the United Kingdom’s power, a prediction which came true after the Second World War.

2

Wielka Brytania wobec integracji europejskiej w latach 1945-1950

80%

Mikołajczyk M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 2(355)

71-96

EN

During the Second World War Winston Churchill called for a close cooperation among countries in postwar Europe with the purpose of uniting them under the leadership of Great Britain. After the war, on account of its prestige and international status, Great Britain seemed to be a natural leader of Western Europe. In 1945 the Conservative Party was replaced in power by the Labour Party but the latter’s attitude toward European integration and the place of Europe in Great Britain’s politics did not differ in essentials from that of the Conservatives, although it should be noted that the traditional reasons of reluctance in tightening cooperation with continental Europe were supplemented by the Labourites with new ones, in line with the party’s the anti-capitalist socio-economic program. In the years 1945-1950 the British government, contrary to the expectations of Western European countries had no intention of leading the process of European integration or even participating in it. However, it was ready to support such activities similarly to Britain’s stance in the interwar period. Churchill, who was then in opposition, championed European integration albeit on the French-German basis, without the participation of Great Britain. When he came back to power in 1951 he continued his predecessors’ policy of splendid isolation in relations with Europe. Therefore, one may speak of a continuity of British policy toward European integration from the interwar period to the early 1960s when the British government expressed its will to join the EEC. This policy had far reaching consequences both for Great Britain and Europe which can be experienced even today.

3

Rola prasy emigracyjnej w dyskusji nad szkolnictwem polskim na obczyźnie w latach 1940–1945

80%

Chwastyk-Kowalczyk J.

Zeszyty Naukowe PUNO

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2015

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issue 3

95-111

EN

The article demonstrates the constant presence of higher education as a topic in the col umns of Polish newspapers published in the UK: „Dziennik Polski” („Polish Daily”) - and „Dziennik Polski i Dziennik Żołnierza” („Polish Daily and Soldier’s Daily”) in the years 1940–1945. £eir editors agitated for the acquisition of a university education by Poles in exile so that they might better serve the rebuilding of Poland a¦er the war. They reported on academic, organisational and publishing events. They presented the academic accomplishments of Poles, as well as graduations of students and PhDs. They distributed information about scholarships. £e newspapers fullled an informational, propagandist and integrational role.

4

Rola Harolda Macmillana w pracach Zgromadzenia Rady Europy w latach 1949–1951

80%

Mikołajczyk M.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

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2016

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issue 2(11)

222-242

EN

Harold Macmillan became the Prime Minister of Great Britain in the early 1957 as a result of the Suez Crisis. He served in offi ce until 1963. In 1961, he submitted an application for United Kingdom’s membership in the European Economic Community. Intended to be a departure from the current policy of the country in terms of European integration, this step nevertheless did not earn Macmillan the name of a European. Many doubted the sincerity of the decision. However, the beginnings of Macmillan’s European involvement were more than promising. A relatively short stay in the role of a representative of the UK in the Assembly of the Council of Europe between 1949 and 1951, i.e., during the fi rst period of its activity, held a special place in his political career. Apart from organisational matters, the main issues debated at the time included the Schuman Plan, the project of a European army, the inclusion of Germany to the Western system, the situation in Eastern Europe under Soviet control, the future of the Council of Europe and the possibility of building a European federation.

5

The evolution of British immigrant integration policy after World War II: a historical and political science perspective

80%

Kurcewicz U.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

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2014

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issue 8

355-366

EN

The paper presents the evolution of the British model of immigrant integration after World War II. It is a historical and political analysis. The author indicates the key elements of the British approach to decolonisation which were translated into concrete legal acts regulating the lives of the Commonwealth residents and immigrants arriving in the UK. The paper also discusses different dimensions of the integration of immigrants into British society. The analysis indicates that the multicultural model of immigrant integration adopted after World War II has been found to be dysfunctional, as British society has reached a state of super-diversity, becoming a very complex mosaic of races, religions and nationalities.

6

“The whole lot, Czechs, Magyars, Poles, Jugos, Roumanians, should be put in a bag and shaken up and then handed over to a decent Briton to administer.” A Contribution on the British Perception of Czech-German Relations in Czechoslovakia to 1933

80%

Novotný L.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2017

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issue 1

102-114

EN

The study uses unpublished sources from the National Archives in London and scientific literature to analyse the British Legation in Prague’s perception of Czech-German relations in Czechoslovakia up to 1933. After some initial fumbling caused by a lack of knowledge of the Central European region following the collapse of Austria-Hungary, responsible officials in London decided to wait for the outcome of the peace conference in Paris. At the same time, British diplomats acknowledged that they would have to rely on co-operation with France in the region, and as a result indirectly supported French claims and demands; once the peace conference had ended, however, Great Britain focused on its own issues and the affairs of its empire. At the start of the 1920s, the British diplomatic mission in Prague also settled in its position and the first Minister, George Clerk, provided unbiased information on Czech-German coexistence within Czechoslovakia, and partially acknowledged that both sides were right (he understood some of the Germans’ objections), but on the other hand he clearly recognised the new state and perceived its minorities policy as very accommodating, and respect ing international obligations. Following the calm period of the 1920s when even the British Legation in Prague remarked on the qualitative shift in relations between both ethnicities, the beginning of the 1930s arrived alongside the economic crisis, which transformed the domestic political situation within the First Czechoslovak Republic. According to British Minister, Joseph Addison, the position of the largest minority in the country had deteriorated, something he thought was due to the fact that Czechoslovak officials were breaching the Minority Treaty and were not doing enough for the wellbeing of its German population, and that this did not bode well for the future.

7

Historical determinants of the British separateness in the context of Brexit

80%

Pawlas I., Danowska-Prokop B.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2019

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vol. 10

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issue 32

87-104

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This article aims at identifying, discussing and and evaluating historical determinants of the British/English separateness. RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Brexit is the sign of disintegration tendencies within the EU. Wide literature studies indicated a research gap regarding the historical determinants of the British/English separateness. The research was conducted with the application of the research methods: literature studies, critical thinking, inductive and deductive reasoning, nomothetic analysis. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The line of reasoning consists of three essential elements. At first, Brexit literature review was conducted. The next part focuses on the dynamics of the process of Brexit. The final part concentrates on the analysis of historical economic and political sources of separateness of England / Great Britain. RESEARCH RESULTS: The conducted research made it possible to prove hypothesis according to which Brexit is yet another example of separateness of Great Britain, while separateness of Great Britain results from numerous historical determinants and – on the other hand – history of Great Britain brings numerus reasons for and indications of its separateness. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMEDATIONS: The specific path of England to the position of world leader has left its mark not only on social relations, but also on the mentality of the English. It confirmed their belief in the uniqueness and difference as compared to other nations, which in turn nourished the tradition and traditional way of life, especially in older generations. The above stated regularity has been confirmed by the referendum on leaving the EU. The obtained research results suggest that the British separateness and its historical determinants should be considered as essential factor in the process of post-Brexit relations between the EU and the UK – both in regard to political aspects and practical issues.

8

Europa początku XX wieku oczyma etiopskiego wysłannika

80%

Krawczuk M.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

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2023

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issue 1-2 (285-286)

59-71

EN

In the article, the author analyzes a travel account by an Ethiopian dignitary Heruy Wäldä Śəllase in which he notes, among other things, his observations after visiting London, Paris, and Rome. This diary is among the earliest travel narratives written by an African and concerning Europe. While the text has the potential to be a historical source, the article is focused on reconstructing the subjective impressions of the author in the context of his cultural background and the linguistic peculiarities of the document.

9

Labor migration in the EU: an empirical evidence

80%

Švec O.

International Economics Letters

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2013

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vol. 2

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issue 1

15-26

EN

This paper is presenting general overview of labor migration in the European Union. It focuses on labor migration of workers from new member states after the enlargement of the EU in 2004. The first part is dedicated to basic facts about free movement of workers in EU, legal background and general overview of migration in the EU. The second part presents general data collected after the Enlargement with closer analysis of United Kingdom and Germany.

10

Принципі і методи навчання дорослих учнів у Великий Британії

80%

Чичук В.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

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2014

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issue 1(7)

153-159

EN

The basic special principles of dults students education are distinguished, which recommend British andragogists. The models of adults students education are analysed in Great Britain, that are properties, structure of adults students education. Characterized model which are used for application of various methods of adults students education. Presented different classifications of methods of adults education. Methods which are most used in practice in the system of additional adults education in Great Britain are considered.

11

Ocena skutków regulacji rządowego projektu ustawy o uregulowaniu niektórych spraw w związku z wystąpieniem Zjednoczonego Królestwa Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej z Unii Europejskiej i Europejskiej Wspólnoty Energii Atomowej na podstawie umowy, o której mowa w art. 50 ust. 2 Traktatu o Unii Europejskiej

80%

Pawłowski B.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2019

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issue 3(63)

63-69

EN

The provisions of the bill will be applied only, if the United Kingdom leaves the European Union on the basis of the agreement referred to in Article 50(2) TEU. Until the day of completion of the author’s opinion, internal procedures concerning the approval of the Agreement have not been completed in the United Kingdom. At present, it is not yet clear, whether the United Kingdom would leave the EU on the basis of an agreement as referred to in Article 50(2) TEU or without such agreement.

12

Międzynarodowa aktywność społeczna polskiej emigracji w Wielkiej Brytanii w drugiej połowie XX wieku

80%

Folga-Naidoo T.

Zeszyty Naukowe PUNO

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2019

135-156

EN

The purpose of this article is to present the social activity of the Polish diaspora in Great Britain in the second half of the 20th century where after the end of World War II, thousands of Poles had settled. For many of them social and charity work became a mission. The article presents most of the organizations established just after the end of the warfare and widely discusses charitable foundations that have been in operation since the 1980s, offering their help to those who fell victims of the political and economic system in Poland and beyond its eastern border. Material and moral help provided by Polish emigration in the United Kingdom was much needed by Poles in Poland and by Poles still living in the countries of the former Soviet Union.

13

Od Thatcher do Browna: polityka rządów brytyjskich wobec samorządu terytorialnego (1979–2010)

80%

Radzik K.

Zarządzanie Publiczne

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2011

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issue 1(13)

37-48

EN

The article analyses the policy of Conservative and Labour Parties concluded towards local government between 1979–2010. The authoress focuses on reforms and changes introduced to local administration by conservative cabinets of Thatcher and Major and Labour one of Blair and Brown. The conclusion forms an attempt to present fi ndings from British experiences in local reforms.

14

80%

Abolorunde A. S.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2019

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vol. 9

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issue 1

87-107

EN

The outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War few years after the attainment of independence from Britain further deepened the interest of the latter in Nigeria’s existence as a nation. Scholars of disciplines such as history, political science and international relations through their works, have examined the nature and dimensions of Nigeria’s relations with Britain as well as the British involvement in the Nigerian Civil War. Foreign policy formulation, colonial legacies, economic ties, are typical examples of the nature of Nigeria’s relations with Britain. Similarly, scholars have interrogated the roles of Britain in the Nigerian Civil War through multilateral efforts at the United Nations and Commonwealth of Nations, propaganda, protection of the British economic interests in Nigeria, British military initiative as well as the pressure of the Cold War as the basis for prompt British intervention in the war. However, comprehensive intellectual attention has not been paid to the British peace initiative outside the multilateral conflict resolution structure. It is against this backdrop that this paper interrogates the nature and dimension of British peace initiative strategy which brought an end to the Nigerian Civil War. The paper argues in its conclusion that the failure of the multilateral approach of the British was salvaged by the unilateral British bureaucratic strategy that was enhanced by their colonial legacies in Nigeria.

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