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EN
The aim of this article is to present the diversity of political assessments of key political parties after the parliamentary elections in 2011 in Poland. The analysis is based on theoretical assumptions concerning the processes of formation of political attitudes – in their emotional dimension – and is based on data collected by the Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences within the project Polish General Election Study. The data were collected during October–November 2011, in the period immediately after the parliamentary elections. The study included 1,919 adult residents of Poland. The analysis uses multivariate statistical analysis techniques in order to present new analytical capabilities.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie zróżnicowania ocen polityków kluczowych partii politycznych po wyborach parlamentarnych w 2011 roku w Polsce. Przeprowadzona analiza opiera się na założeniach teoretycznych dotyczących procesów kształtowania się postaw politycznych w ich emocjonalnym wymiarze, a bazuje na danych zebranych przez Instytut Studiów Politycznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk w ramach projektu Polskie Generalne Studium Wyborcze. Dane zbierane były w okresie październik – listopad 2011, więc w okresie bezpośrednio po wyborach parlamentarnych. Badaniem objęto 1919 pełnoletnich mieszkańców Polski. W opracowaniu wykorzystano wielowymiarowe techniki analiz statystycznych w celu przedstawienia nowych możliwości analitycznych. Analizy prowadzono przy użyciu oprogramowania IBM SPSS Statistics 21.
PL
The Berbers, an indigenous people of North Africa, belong to the group of “nations without a state.” For centuries, they were marginalized by the Arab majority or manipulated by European colonizers. Since the mid-twentieth century in North Africa, a movement for a Berber and Pan-Berber identity has been growing strongly. The movement has disseminated the neologism “Amazigh” as the endoethnonim of this group of peoples. The process of building (creating) a Berber identity has been slightly different in Morocco (where the stabilizing role of the monarchy has been highlighted) and in Algeria (where it has taken more violent forms). With the rise of Berber self-awareness in North Africa and the activity of the Berber diaspora in Europe (mainly in France), civil society organizations (associations) were established in Morocco and Algeria to defend the rights of the Berber minority. After many attempts and despite the resistance of Arab elites the Berber language and culture were recognized by the state authorities as equivalent to the Arabic component of the Algerian and Moroccan identity. State institutions (the Institut royal de la culture Amazighe–the IRCAM–in Morocco, and the Haut Commissariat à l’Amazighité–the HCA–in Algeria) were established for the revitalization of the Berber culture and language (tamazight).
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