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1

WHO AND WHEN STARTED THE SO-CALLED PELAGIAN CONTROVERSY? (Kto i kiedy rozpoczal tak zwana kontrowersje pelagianska?)

100%
Toczko R.
U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze
|
2011
|
vol. 10
215-228
EN
Quite a number of scholars claim that the Pelagian controversy started in 411. This common opinion is subjected to scrutiny in this paper. It provides a thorough analysis of sources, particularly of the writings of Augustine of Hippo. First, it is apparent (yet rarely noticed) that the first utterances of the animosity towards Pelagius were not formulated before 415 (by Augustine, Orosius and Jerome). Second, the arguments against Pelagius were devised by Augustine and influenced the decisions on Pelagius made by the African bishops, Pope Innocent and the emperor Honorius. The second line of the argument aims at showing that one ought not to write about the Pelagian controversy before 415. Augustine in his later works tried to force the opinion that he had fought with the Pelagian heresy even before it emerged. However, we should not follow his idiosyncratic view. In consequence, I am against using the vague term Pelagian controversy' and support the view that it is better to write about the controversy between Augustine and Pelagius.
2

Representation of Heretics in the Western Art of the Middle Ages

100%
Dobkowska-Kubacka J.
Ikonotheka
|
2005
|
issue 18
25-49
EN
While the phenomenon of heresy played a significant role in medieval society, it also found its reflection and interpretation in art. The present article concerns schemata of composition applied in representations which have an anti-heretical topic, or only theme, and attempts to define the figure of a heretic through costume or physiognomy. Also, it strives to answer the question to what extent medieval art reflected the stereotype, prevalent in contemporary literature, of a heretic. A discussion between representatives of the Roman church and heretics is the topic of, among others, the mid-11th-century miniatures on frontispieces of manuscripts from the Mont St. Michel monastery (St. Augustine in conversation with Manicheans). Such discussion is a topic frequent also in art of the late Middle Ages. Among saints who due to their activity had to deal with heretics, St. Peter the Martyr and St. Dominic seem to be the most representative. It is possible to ascertain that artists attempted to identify heretics especially through their costume, facial expression and gestures.Depicting heretics in an Oriental costume is a phenomenon typical only for the late-medieval art. The earlier artists also tried to distinguish and define a heretic through dress, but they presented this figure usually in layman's clothing, which contrasted with the clerical dress proudly worn by his Catholic adversary.The fact that heretics, Jews, Muslims and sorcerers are represented in art in a similar way not only attests to the conviction that many heresies were of Eastern origin, but also refers to the division of the world introduced by St. Augustine. Catholic authors placed heretics, together with the Jews, unbelievers, heathens, sinners, criminals, bandits and sorcerers, in the devil's realm. Books are frequently an attribute of heretics, and almost always of heresiarchs. Heretic writings are confronted with and defeated by orthodox texts in the same way the person of a heresiarch is defeated by a representative of the Roman Church. They are often depicted lying cover up on the ground, thus displaying their own falsity and failure.
3

THE THIRD ECUMENICAL COUNCIL IN CONSTANTINOPLE (680-681). FROM COUNCIL TO THE ACTS AND BACK (Trzeci sobor powszechny w Konstantynopolu (680-681). Od soboru do akt soborowych i z powrotem)

88%
Jankowiak M.
U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze
|
2011
|
vol. 10
9-88
EN
Despite it being the largest body of evidence for late 7th-century Byzantium, the Acts of the Third Council of Constantinople (AD 680-681) have seldom been studied. However, not only do they conceal a wealth of information on this pivotal period in the history of the Empire, but they are also a useful source for understanding of the mechanisms at work at church councils. The present paper offers a close reading of the Acts and of other sources that shed light on the Third Council of Constantinople, in particular the notes of the Roman legates to the Council which are preserved in the Liber Pontificalis, and a recently published Monothelete account of the Council. The comparison of these at times divergent sources illustrates how the Roman delegation was able to impose Dyothelete doctrine on the Monothelete church of the Empire. On the other hand, it also allows some rare glimpses into the editing of the Acts, which were conceived more as an account of the victory of Orthodoxy over heresy than as exhaustive minutes of the bishops' discussions. Thus, the image conveyed by this carefully reworked source, in which a Monothelete party is restricted to the entourage of the irreducible patriarch of Antioch, is in all likelihood biased. It will be argued that the long interruptions between the sessions, the war with the Bulgars and the revolt of the brothers of the emperor Constantine IV are all signs of the staunch opposition of the court, the army and the ecclesiastical hierarchy to the adoption of Dyotheletism. Only at the price of ten months of proceedings, which made the Third Council of Constantinople by far the longest of the early church councils, and of a bloody repression of the opposition, was Constantine IV able to make a radical breach with the ecclesiastical policy of his predecessors, traditionally sympathetic to Monothelete theology.
4

HERESY AND HERETICS IN DELIBERATIO SUPRA HYMNUM TRIUM PUERORUM

88%
Drugda M.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2023
|
vol. 71
|
issue 5
769 - 792
EN
The study deals with the parts of the work of the Channadic bishop St. Gerard, Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum, in which references to heretics and heresy appear. Gerard mentions the heresy in the broader context of their activities in church history, but he also writes about heretics of his own time, that is, the first half of the 11th century. In this thesis, I analyse Gerard’s accounts of the heretics’ myths, their teachings, and the heretics’ criticisms of the church, church doctrines, and church rites. In the historiography, the heretics of Gerard’s work are often identified with the Bogomils. I therefore compare Gerard’s data on heretics with reports on Bogomils from other sources, especially from the works as Sermon against the Bogomils by Cosmas the Priest, the Interrogatio Johannis, and from several Byzantine sources – the letters of Theophylact to the Bulgarian Tsar Peter, the monk Euthymius of the Convent of the Most Venerable Mother of God in Constantinople, and the letter of Euthymius Zigabenus. In the study I devote attention to the question whether Deliberatio proves the presence of Bogomils in Hungary already in the first half of the 11th century. I further address the question of the nature of the so-called pagan uprising, i.e. the social unrest of 1046 in Hungary, the possible participation of Bogomils in the uprising, and the testimonial value of Deliberatio also to these important events of Hungarian history in the first half of the 11th century.
5
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"A jeśli Jego chwale potrzebna będzie moja śmierć, niech mi ją raczy dać bez strachu". Proces Jana Husa w Konstancji

75%
Paner A.
Gdański Rocznik Ewangelicki
|
2011
|
vol. 5
13-40
EN
John Hus, summoned by Sigismund of Luxembourg in autumn of 1414, went to the ecumenical council of Constance to present and explain his own program of the renewal of church and spiritual life. He also hoped to be cleared of heresy charges. John Hus was in November 1414 after the preliminary hearing. His lawsuit which lasted seven months consisted of accusation, testimony of witnesses, interrogation by the committee of ecumenical council and three trials in public (5th, 7th and 8th of June 1415). John Hus was found guilty of heresy and the lawsuit ended with his death sentence. He refused to seize an opportunity to retract his views and thus save his life. The death sentence has been executed on 6th July 1415. This description of John Hus' trial, almost unknown from other sources, we owe to Piotr z Mladonovic, the author of 'Zprava o M. J. Husowi v Kostnici. The last part 'Konec o svatém muzi a ctihodnem mistru Janu Husowi, horlivem milovniku prawdy Jeziate Krista, a jeho utrpeni, jez pokorne vyrpel' was read during worship in Hussite churches until the defeat in the battle of Biala Gora.
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