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EN
Against the background of the current debates in the Czech Republic on the 'purity of history' and the need to protect some notional 'correct history', practised by professionals, from the meddling and disinterpretation of journalists, politicians and the public in general, the author draws attention to the headway being made by contemporary research on the historical 'memory' of nations and other groups. While obviously 'Memory' is not 'correct', it is authentic and legitimate. It is not the enemy of the history produced by professionals, but its partner in dialogue. Historians must conduct such a dialogue with the public on the broadest possible basis, must open themselves up to it and not hide from it behind the dangerously cracked shield of their positivist scientism.
EN
The point of the Dominicans, creating a historiographic work, was not only to establish facts from the past but also to combine the historical and the didactic elements, with the latter playing the decisive role. It was connected with sermons preached by the Dominicans, written with the use of history handbooks, among others. General chapters encouraged to independent writer’s work, which was highly valued at the order. Most frequently, the Dominicans created monumental chronicles of the world, but also the gesta of secular and ecclesiastical rulers, chronicles of cities and states. Besides providing materials for sermons, their task was also to search for and to disseminate the truth, since only in the truth one could recognize God’s intentions, which was so important for everyone at that time. At the Dominicans, chronology was a fragment of the history of the world and the history of salvation. Thus in historiography, they didn’t see the part artes (in the medieval theory of literature, historiography was subordinated to rhetoric and grammar) but the provider of true and adequate information for the writing of sermons, which were to lead towards the Creator (thus the Dominican turn to the past had a pragmatic foundation). It is obvious that making use of different type historical works during preparation of sermons had a significant influence on the shape of individual historical memory of the Dominican (the monastic rule and general chapters did not interfere in the selection of reading of this type, leaving a free choice). It’s also worth considering whether other factors occurred in the Dominican order besides this factor, which had an influence on the shape of the Dominican’s historical memory (group and individual memory). In our opinion, there were several factors. Noteworthy are the official biographies of St Dominic and other works depicting the history of the order’s founder, which were eagerly read, and some of them were required reading (individual) for the Dominicans and novices. Other works were—at least in Western Europe—Legenda aurea by Jacobus de Voragine and Bonum universale de apibus by Thomas de Cantimpré. During meals (recitatio ad mensam) the monastic rule, numerous lives of the saints, as well as works on the congregation’s history the order had in a great number used to be read. The obligatory curriculum of the studies adopted by the general chapter was steeped in historical content. The foundation of the Dominican studies—to which all brethren-priests were pledged throughout their life—was the Bible, being in principle ”the great historical epic” of the Israelites. At provincial schools of theology and general studies, one of the main books for required reading was Historia scholastica by Petrus Comestor, which is a synthesis of Biblical history from the creation of the world to the Ascension. Different types of encyclopaedic works were also eagerly used, e.g. works containing the whole historical knowledge of the Middle Ages, for example Speculum historiale by Vincent of Beauvais. When listing the factors shaping the memory one cannot omit the memorias, i.e. collective or individual prayers of monks said for salvation of the dead (and living) fellow monks and benefactors (memoria mortuorum et benefactorum). These people were remembered, writing them down in special books. In the Dominican order, prayers of this type were an important part of liturgy, which is proved by a separate chapter of their constitution entitled De anniversariis devoted to these matters. Prayers for the dead during liturgy did not exclude individual memories, which soon brought to the establishment of special church services for specific dead persons (missae pro defunctis). This type services were exceptionally popular in the Middle Ages amidst the Dominicans. Since the church’s high altar was considered to be devoted to matters concerning the entire commune, church services for the dead were celebrated by side altars. Due to the fact that in the early Middle Ages these side altars were consecrated and as a rule had a martyr as their patron saint, with the passage of time memorias were merged with the worship of these saints. This led to the formation of a strong community with the saints (communio sanctorum), and the vita of a worshipped canonized martyr—living in the specific past—aroused the monks’ curiosity, who wanted to acquaint themselves with their and the believers’ patron saint and advocate. In our opinion, all the above-named factors had an influence on the shape of the monks’ historical memory. Due to the services accepted by their community, one can call the Dominican brethren-priests carriers of special memory, in which—besides the Bible—memoria mortuorum connected with communio sanctorum played—as it seems—the most important role.
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EN
The study presents the history of the rise and transformations of Neue Wache in Berlin: an ordinary guardhouse furnished with clear symbols (1818), a place of commemoration of soldiers who fell in the First World War (the period of the Weimar Republic and the Hitler regime), and a place of commemoration of the victims of 'fascism' (the GDR period), as well as a central place of commemoration of the victims of war and dictatorship in a unified German state (1933).
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2017
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vol. 21
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issue 1
107 – 120
EN
The story about the origins of the Czarnkowski family (Nałęcz coat of arms) originated in the 16th century, at a time when its representatives held prominent posts not only in Wielkopolska, but also throughout Poland. It was created, among other things, on the basis of a group of false documents, forged in the first half of the 16th century. Although historical sources confirm the presence of the family in the areas bordering the river Noteć only since the 14th century, the story goes back to the family history from the 10th century. The long “history” of the family was created due to pragmatic reasons: on the one hand, to enhance the prestige of the family, on the other, to confirm rights to some estates.
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POLISH DEBATES ON HISTORY AND MEMORY. HISTORICAL POLICY

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EN
Polish discussions on historical memory have their objective international framework and specificity, being part of a general process of a renaissance of memory and debates on the issue of identity that have been going on almost all over the world since the 1980s. They are also predominantly connected with the transformation of the political system in Poland and therefore with the democratization of memory. Such developments could not pass without inducing significant changes in the culture of doing history. The slogan of historical policy that entered public circulation in recent years encompasses a variety of contents. Above all, however, it stands for an assessment of the Third Republic of Poland and is an integral element of controversies over the so-called Fourth Republic.
EN
The article shows the significance of collective memory in shaping Spanish national identity and presents the functioning of historical memory in socio-political space and culture. During the process of democratization, memory was a factor stimulating the peaceful character of changes then ongoing in Spain. In time its condition underwent major adjustments, passing through subsequent stages that corresponded with the current socio-political circumstances. The article analyzes the controversies that had accumulated around historical memory and are connected with the revision of history, including the civil war (1936-1939) followed by the institution of dictatorship by general Francisco Franco and the democratic transformation after the dictator's death in 1975. Gradually, it has become possible to view the past with relative calm and to undertake attempts at defining it. In culture, alternative forms of settling accounts with the past were sought. Artistic production, such as, among others, national songs and feature films restore memory, shape new forms of its development and compensate for the lack of possibilities of speaking openly about history and for the shortcomings of language.
EN
AAugusto Ugarte Pinochet is - both in Chile and Poland - an ambiguous symbol of the shaping of historical memory. For the political left he is a dictator who brutally abused human rights, whereas the right sees him as a defender of conservative values, liberal economy and religion, a man who stopped communism and was the author of Chile's economic miracle. Not without significance for the assessment of the junta and the person of the general is the fact that he peacefully transferred power to his democratically elected successors. The aim of the article is an attempt to answer the question how to assess authoritarian past.
EN
The paper describes efforts to present the period of socialism in museums from the beginning of this century in the form of exhibitions of selected Slovak museums, the collecting interest of individuals in objects from this period and the establishment of museum exhibitions, their motivation (nostalgia, technological and art-historical interest, way of spending free time, etc.), the efforts of civil associations bringing together those unjustly prosecuted before 1989 to document the lack of freedom and totality and to establish a museum of the crimes of communism as a form of building collective memory about this historical period. The study points to dealing with the past by providing an example in selected countries of the former Eastern bloc and a comparison with developments in Slovakia.
EN
This paper seeks to lay out certain critical reflections on social transformations, changes in memory politics and its representation in the Ukrainian museum narratives over the years of independence. In particular, it focuses on the challenges involved in constructing various forms of historical memory, it determines the ways of its representation in current museum narrative practices, illustrates memory politics controversy over the historical issues of the Holodomor of 1932 – 1933, World War II and the Holocaust and reveals the place they occupy in historical memory and museum narratives of different regions of Ukraine. Correlations between historical memory, identity and museum narratives of different regions of Ukraine are highlighted.
EN
The paper deals with the documentation of modern history in museums. It features specific problems connected with the interpretation of the recent past. These difficulties are the reason of little interest of many traditional museums in dealing with history of the 20th century. Collecting activity focused on the modern history has to reflect the plurality of past stories. Thus it is necessary to look for corresponding collecting methods appropriate to this period. Growing interest of the public and activities of many not-for-profit organisations (civic societies) encourage museums to develop their educational potential in modern history issues.
EN
The paper continues indirectly the discussion on the pages of the Historical Journal on the relationship between history and politics against the background of identification of the anti-communist struggle in Slovakia after 1989. In the introduction, the author points to the frivolous manipulation of the terms anti-communist struggle or fighter in social and historical discourse, which was also reflected in the so-called memory legislation in Slovakia. Vague use of terminology in the memory legislation created a dangerous precedent, which enables the granting of the now positive status of anti-communist fighter also to members of pro-Nazi repressive military units operating in Slovakia after the outbreak of the Slovak National Uprising, and to open supporters of the other Ľudák totalitarian regime. The paper documents the complexity of the problem in the framework of a comparative approach, with regard to the disputes on the theme of the anti-communist struggle in the Czech Republic, where discussion strikes against similar problems to those in Slovakia, but the interpretation and methodology is undoubtedly a step more advanced. The author does not end his considerations with unambiguous conclusions. Instead of this, he outlines the more widely conceived fields of discussion, through which a polemical dialogue needs to be carried on in his view.
EN
This article deals with the perception of historical memory and national identity in the era of posterity, as well as their impact on the formation of Russian national unity; determines the role of the latter in the emergence of a new identity of the Russian nation. The initial methodological position for this study is the idea that, even in post-truth conditions, historical memory and national identity retain their true value. The authors use polls of the Russian Public Opinion Research Center. The survey method is a telephone interview. According to the polls, 92% believe that it is important to know the history of Russia, while at the same time only 42% know it well. The results of the study can be used in various state programs, which are based on historical memory and aimed at the development of Russian national identity.
EN
The struggle over political and historical memory is a serious and recurring issue that has important implications for the rise and spread of national politics in contemporary Europe and the durability of democratic traditions. This is particularly focused on the way in which new generations of youth are taught their history and the formation of collective memory. The sociological survey conducted in 2013 has shown that large segments of population, above young people, either don’t know or don’t care much about the history of the wartime Slovak state (1939 – 1945) and the holocaust. On the other hand the agreement with preserving memory is wide-spread, partially with the rationale to prevent recurrences of intolerance, extremism and xenophobia. The survey reveals also the most frequently used sources of knowledge about the past and based on empirical findings elaborates on how to approach youth when teaching history.
EN
In her essay, the authoress deals with different levels of self-identification at members of Slovak language islands in Hungary, based on an example of more ethnically symptomatic anthems. On the one hand, it is the anthem of the Slovaks in Hungary, which became an official anthem of this minority in 1999. The Slovaks in Hungary accepted the melody of a carol generally spread in Slovakia to be their anthem. The text of this song comes from 1991 and it was written by V. Gruska, a Slovak involved in folklorism in Slovakia. It is the song 'Daj Boh stastia tejto zemi' publicized in the media also in Slovakia, but mainly as a Christmas carol. Based on the aforementioned example the authoress points out the different historical memory of the Slovaks in Hungary and of the Hungarians in Slovakia on one side, and that of the Slovaks living in Slovakia on the other side. While the Hungarians in Slovakia take the official Hungarian anthem for their own, the Slovaks in Hungary felt a need to have different anthem song, than the state anthem of the Slovak Republic. Within this environment, regional ('Pilisska anthem') and local anthems ('Cabianska anthem' from 1932) exist and return. The second part of the essay mentions a parody of the official Slovakia state anthem (Anthem of Unjustly Baldheaded) spread by the Internet as an anthem of an officially registered interest association.
EN
Tragic events in 1900 in Blegoveshensk suddenly became the subject of active internet and mass media discussions. The problem of historical responsibility and historical memory spontaneously appears, being discussed and what is more important being relived. Did it really happen? Who is to blame? Could our forefathers do this? If yes then why? How should we, their descendants react? Should we? Should we remember and recall the terrible and shameful events? Should we take the skeletons out from the cupboards? It should be mentioned that this topic is of great interest in China. Won’t it be harmful for the interest of our country and for the presently living generation to mention about these events? Are we responsible for everything that our forefathers did? If yes, then in what way? Can be a nation to blame? Are there bad nations? Should some nations be always historically guilty towards other nations? Should there be collective responsibility? Up to juridical consequences? Is it possible to understand and explain what had happened and behavior of those ones who took part directly or indirectly? What does it mean to learn a lesson? Is it a duty or personal reflection to confess?
EN
In the period of formation of modern nations, celebrations of a political character served as media and formative instruments for collective or national historical memory. This study is directed towards specific celebrations – for the centenaries of three Hungarian statesmen: Lajos Kossuth (1902), István Széchenyi (1891) and Ferenc Deák (1903). It looks at the places of memory in two or three different ethno-linguistic micro-spaces, and in the public space of the counties of Zvolen (Banská Bystrica, Zvolen), Novohrad (Lučenec) and Gemer-Malohont (Rimavská Sobota). By reconstructing their ritual symbolic aspect and the associated attitudes, ideas and values, it uncovers the aim of such undertakings and the functions and forms of historical memory.
Slavica Slovaca
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2021
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vol. 56
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issue 3
403 - 408
EN
The Latin Church and the Byzantine Church in the area below the Carpathians live side by side for several centuries. This neighbourhood has its own historical development. It is divided into several periods. The most important milestone was the establishment of the Greek Catholic Church after the conclusion of the Uzhhorod Union in 1646. As elsewhere in the world, under the Carpathians, various tensions arose in mutual relations. They primarily caused problems that ultimately proved to be beneficial to both parties. The interest in the other and the presentation of one’s own values contributed to the spiritual and cultural exchange. Apparent competition has forced each community to deepen its own identity and historical memory. In key historical situations, there was interconnection and action against the external enemies of the church. The common tangents and intersections of the interests of the Latin and Western Churches under the Carpathians have ultimately always been mutually beneficial. This article points out this added value.
EN
The authoress tries to analyse the picture of a German as emerging from biographical interviews with the oldest generation of the new inhabitants of an ex-German town (Krzyz, German Kreuz Ostb.), the first post-war settlers in the 'recovered territories'. The authoress shows how people coming from the Polish Eastern Borderland, Great Poland and Central Poland remember their pre-war German neighbours, the German invaders and the Germans expelled from Krzyz. The reason for the predominantly favourable picture of a German may be found in the experiences of the interviewees' lives, who during the war and in the post-war period suffered the greatest wrongs not on the part of the Germans, but the Soviets. It is also noteworthy that the repatriates from the Eastern Borderland perceive a similarity between the fate of the Poles and Germans expelled from their homes, though they do not deny the Germans' guilt and responsibility for starting World War II.
EN
At the onset of the present economic world crisis, experts recognized that its magnitude and dangers exceed those of the cyclical recessions. It was natural to compare it to the Great Depression of eighty years ago. That crisis was the largest peacetime economic catastrophe that had fallen on humanity. When searching for effective methods of crisis management the example of F. D. Roosevelt's New Deal leaps to the eye; that is how the idea of an up-to-date version of the New Deal emerged. Even the negative aspects are illuminating: the American isolationist policy of the day proved to be one of the main reasons of the long-lasting crisis. Around the end of WW2 the Bretton Woods Agreements were signed in 1944. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Bank of Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) were also established at the time. Current proposals also suggest creating a similar agreement adjusted to the present conditions. The author's intention is to analyze the similarities and differences between the crisis after 1929 and the present one using historical-sociological methods in order to obtain a better understanding. The analysis is to be continued in the next issue of the periodical.
EN
This paper is devoted to memorial complexes with museum exhibits of the victims of political repressions in Russia. They took place in the 1930th. Nowadays there are two great memorial complexes. One of them is Mednoe Memorial Complex not far from Tver. The second one is Katyn Memorial Komplex situated not fat from Smolensk. They are affiliated with the State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia. There is one more memorial complex “Butovo Shooting Range” in Moscow region. A new museum exposition will be shown there. Its territory belongs to the Russian Orthodox Church, but at the same time, it was recognized as a historical place. Despite the form of ownership, those memorial complexes work with different categories of visitors and deal with historical memory. Being part of memorial a museum reveals its information significance.
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