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POLISH DEBATES ON HISTORY AND MEMORY. HISTORICAL POLICY

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EN
Polish discussions on historical memory have their objective international framework and specificity, being part of a general process of a renaissance of memory and debates on the issue of identity that have been going on almost all over the world since the 1980s. They are also predominantly connected with the transformation of the political system in Poland and therefore with the democratization of memory. Such developments could not pass without inducing significant changes in the culture of doing history. The slogan of historical policy that entered public circulation in recent years encompasses a variety of contents. Above all, however, it stands for an assessment of the Third Republic of Poland and is an integral element of controversies over the so-called Fourth Republic.
Rocznik Lubuski
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2010
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vol. 36
|
issue 2
325-342
EN
The author attempts at proving that the recent discussion on Berlin's 'Centre against Expulsions' should not be considered without taking into account debates dealing with the Nazi regime as well as standpoints resulting from raison d'etat in Eastern and Western Germany. In the case of Poland, the issue of resettlement constitutes a special test for Germany as far as dealing with the past is concerned. The results of the historical research conducted by the author prove that some part of Polish public opinion shows an exaggerated fear of German redefining of historical facts and truths. However, public supervision, along with democratic solidity of German intuitions, guarantees control over the results of the debate. The European Union gives the Poles a chance to begin what years ago was reached by the French, the Dutch or the Danish.
EN
We want to see the history as a kind of "vitae magistra", so let's put the question of whether we are prepared for it? This is a fundamental issue that provokes the author of this article to pose a number of questions about the condition of our history as a field of knowledge and the object of research. The requested need to debate seems obvious, but the social reality suggests that history is more and more often a subject of the political game, a kind of race to conquer the next areas of history and to interpret them according to the criteria that have little to do with research methodology or the available sources. It is not without reason, these considerations came to include also the Polish navy which – detached from the socio – economic reality – gets bogged down in the myths of the Polish presence at sea. Only open discussion, free from political passions can lead to a better understanding of our national history, and cure us from the complexes which we tend to co-develop.
EN
The authoress discusses the institutionalization of the memory of the Warsaw Uprising as a process activated among other things due to its Museum opened in 2004. She presents how the museum contributes to the shaping of collective memory. She draws her conclusions from an analysis of programmatic and statute documents collected in the museum's archives. On this basis she describes the mission and message of the Museum, with a special focus on the interpretation given to the Warsaw Uprising by the authors of the museum's concept. She also presents how the contents to which they give preference are 'translated' into the museum's visual language as well as the architectural-visual plan of its permanent exhibition.
EN
Cultivation of the memory of the Poznan June of 1956 was banned in Polish People's Republic (PRL) for nearly twenty-five years after the bloody pacification of the rebellious city. The leadership of the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) realized that the protests of the Poznan workers subverted the sense of the existence of the co-called 'power of the people' and for a quarter of a century adopted the policy of eliminating the Poznan June from collective historical memory. The situation changed radically in autumn 1980 when the 'Solidarity' movement referred to the tradition of the first revolt of the society in PRL, a decision that could not leave PZPR passive. The article is an attempt to show the activity of PZPR in shaping the historical policy toward the Poznan June in the last decade of PRL. The following research questions served as starting points: Why did PZPR decide to 'reclaim' the Poznan June in the 1980's by giving it an adequately 'objective' character and including into the party calendar of commemorations of feasts and anniversaries? By what means did the Voivodship Committee (KW PZPR) intend to achieve this goal? To what extent were the political-propagandist initiatives of PZPR characterized by repeatability and to what extent were they used in the realization of short-term political goals?
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