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Konštantínove listy
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2019
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vol. 12
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issue 1
39 - 49
EN
The author of the text attempts to analyse the ways how the church chroniclers from the Czech Lands depicted and characterised Hungary and its inhabitants in the 14th century. A detailed analysis was performed for the following six chronicles by church authors: The Žďár Monastery Chronicle, The Zbraslav Chronicle, The Chronicle of František Pražský, The Chronicle of Beneš Krabic of Weitmile and The Chronicle of Přibík Pulkava of Radenín. The analysis also included the interesting Dalimil Chronicle, for which the background of its author is unknown. The author further analysed the Autobiography of King Charles IV of Luxembourg. For the purpose of a comparison with another social background, the author stepped beyond the limits of the 14th century and analysed three chronicles mostly covering the 15th century: The Chronicle of Bartošek of Drahonice, The Hussite Chronicle of Vavřinec of Březová and Staré letopisy české [The Old Bohemian Annals].
EN
The political life of Hungarian minority parties at the turn of the 1920s was marked by a generation conflict and a general crisis concerning their future political orientation. The first to accomplish a regeneration of its structures was the Provincial Christian-Socialist Party. The new political line of the Party was called for both by the politically engaged representatives of the younger generation of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia and by the new government team in Budapest. Within the regeneration process in the top Party structures Count Janos Esterhazy, a new face in the political arena of the Hungarian minority who was just 31 years old, was elected to the top position in the Party.
EN
In this paper the authoress deals with the image of the Habsburg Monarchy in Hungary at the time of its existence as well as with the memory the society of today keeps of it. On the contrary to what is generally assumed confrontation is not necessarily the main feature of this image. During its domination over Hungary, the Monarchy was felt alternatively as an oppressive power to which responded the 'kuruc' tradition of opposition and as a partner to achieve superior goals to which responded the 'labanc' tradition of collaboration. These patterns of political behaviour are still obvious today. The experience of the two totalitarianisms have brought a re-evaluation of the Habsburgs as benevolent sovereigns and even 1848 looks pale compared to 1956. Towards the end of the communist regime, the re-discovery of the Habsburg heritage went beyond the historical sciences and became after 1989 a cliché of the tourist discourse.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2008
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vol. 40
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issue 3
258-277
EN
What will be discussed in this article is the pattern of ethnic relations in the Serbian autonomous province of Vojvodina, with a special focus on the relations between ethnic Hungarians and the Serbian majority. Particular attention will be paid to the political engineering of ethnicity, at the elite level, and ethnic relations from a grass-roots perspective. What will be demonstrated is that instead of focusing on internally homogeneous and externally demarcated ethnic groups, the function of ethnicity in Vojvodina can be understood in terms of a continuous process orchestrated by interest groups. The ultimate aim of these interest groups, or organizations, is to forge an overriding sense of group cohesion among the Serbian majority as well as the ethnic Hungarian community. The impact of this process on ethnic relations is always subject to the persistence of a trans-ethnic substratum that manifests itself in the form of Vojvodinian regional identity.
EN
The author analyzes in his study the main political line of the Provincial Christian Socialist Party (OKSzP), one of the two major Hungarian minority parties represented in Czechoslovak Parliament in the period of years 1933-1935, under the leadership of Count Janos Esterhazy, who was elected as its new chairman in December 1932. The political line of the OKSzP is explained in a broader context of the Hungarian minority's policy in prewar Czechoslovakia. Attention is particularly paid to Esterhazy's explanation of the negativist opposition policy of the Hungarian Christian Socialists. The ongoing talks of political representatives of the Hungarian minority about a broader autonomist block with the Slovakian autonomists are summarized and the prospects of rather lukewarm relations of Hungarian minority politicians to the Sudeten German parties in the first half of the 1930s are outlined. To conclude, the results achieved by the Hungarian minority parties in the fourth Parliament elections in prewar Czechoslovakia are summarized and the election of the new OKSzP Chairman to the Lower House of National Assembly and his first appearance in the Assembly are mentioned.
6
88%
EN
Food and ways of eating belong to the most significant identification codes of human communities. The culinary culture ranks among the structures of the so-called long durance and the eating models belong to the most stabile values of human communities. They are an integral part of the cultural equipment of every person; in their rudimentary form, they survive for long time and often under changed conditions. The ethnological researches substantiate the population of different ethnic minorities in Slovakia was able to safeguard their cultural identity until today. In addition to the main ethnic features, such as language and ethnic awareness, their traditional culture is one of the most distinctive identification symbols. This relates also to the range of traditional eating habits by which they demonstrate their distinctiveness and dissimilarity to the Slovak majority and other ethnic groups. The contribution presents the traditional culinary culture of three ethnic minorities living in Slovakia: the Hungarians, Romani and Ruthenians - Ukrainians who belong to the largest minorities and who show distinctive ethno-identification symbols in their traditional culinary culture even today.
EN
The aim of the contribution is to analyse interethnic relations between Slovaks, Hungarians and Roma people in 2004-2017 based on empirical research data focused on the theoretical, methodological and practical issues of ethnicity and ethnic relations. The issue of interethnic relations, or to be more precise the relations between the majority and minorities in the central Europe area, represents not only a past concern but also currently one of the priorities for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Th results contribute to solutions to possible interethnic conflicts that arise from the interaction of different cultures in today's society. After November 1989, the social significance of interethnic relations has been marked by ethno-identification processes in the Slovak republic. The primary interest of individual minority representatives is to improve their position and secure the enactment of their rights. Slovakia entered the European Union in 2004, and before that it had to meet the Copenhagen criterion in the area of protection of rights and national minorities. One of the main issues in the near future is the ability to accept the heterogeneity of Slovak society as a normal standard. Roma and Hungarian minorities are an indicator of the problem in Slovakia, today. Data was collected in the second half of 2004 and 2017 in all regions of Slovakia. In 2004, a total of 480 respondents were surveyed for the needs of our study. The subjects of the survey were Slovaks (160) and the two most numerous minorities living in Slovakia: the Hungarians (160) and the Roma (160). The selection criteria for the research sample were: nationality indicator, t. j. public declaration of belonging to the minority; gender, age and education. In 2017 the total quota sample in our research consists of 487 adult respondents: 162 Slovaks, 165 Hungarians and 160 Roma. The evaluation of intra-ethnic relations has produced mixed results. While in 2004 Hungarians were more positive about the relations inside their ethnic community, in 2017 it was Slovaks. The Roma assessments didn’t change over these two rounds. Even though this contribution doesn’t analyse the reasons for evaluating interethnic relations, the 2017 ratings show less variability among the different ethnic group ratings. It is related to the stabilization of interethnic relations, a more peaceful political dialogue and the presence of an external ethnic threat in the form of a migratory crisis.
EN
The study discusses the dynamics of voter interest of the Hungarians living in Slovakia, their election preferences and opinions on the current Hungarian political representation in Slovakia. It is based on the sociological surveys conducted by the Institute for Minority Research since the turn of the millennium. The last survey was undertaken in June 2019. It was carried out in 149 municipalities of southern Slovakia. The sample consisted of 1000 adult subjects of Hungarian nationality and was representative in terms of gender, age, education, proportion of Hungarian population in individual districts and type of municipality. According to 88% of the respondents, it is necessary for the Hungarians in Slovakia to have their own political representation. 67% of the respondents believe that its most adequate expression would be one Hungarian political party while for 21%, it would be several mutually cooperating Hungarian parties. If parliamentary elections were held now, 67% of the respondents would participate and 59% of the respondents would vote for the current Hungarian parties. Should these parties merge, 75% would participate in the elections and 70% would vote for a joint Hungarian political entity.
EN
The paper focuses on the issue of interethnic relations within a nation-state in connection with the issue of public commemoration. On the example of two case studies concerning the memorial-building activities in the town of Nove Zamky in South Slovakia, the authoress demonstrates how the local authorities use memorials for the present political purposes: 1. as means of the ethnic struggles between the core nation of Slovaks and the Hungarian minority, 2. as tool for the regulation of interethnic relations. The first case study describes the efforts of the representatives of Slovaks to restore the monument to the Czechoslovak legionaries from the interwar period, and the counter-efforts of the representatives of Hungarians to hinder the restoration. At the same time, the case documents the struggle of the mentioned ethnic groups for their status within the state as well as the efforts of the Mayor to forestall the ethnic confrontations. The other case study describes the unveiling ceremony of the statues to commemorate Anton Bernolak, a catholic priest and the author of the first version of Slovak literary language, and György Szechenyi, a former archbishop of Esztergom, in the city centre. Here the author points out the endeavour of the municipal representatives to foster the interethnic tolerance and ethnic balance in the town.
EN
The aim of this study is an empirical analysis of the construction of ethnic identity of Slovaks living in Hungary and Hungarians living in Slovakia. As a consequence of historical and political changes, these two communities assumed a minority status, while their national countries (mother countries) remained the neighbouring countries. On the basis of research conducted in Hungary and Slovakia, the authoress analyses both minorities from the point of view of the ethnic construction and its possible development. On the basis of ethnic characteristics of Slovaks living in Hungary and Hungarians living in Slovakia (in the extent of the chosen analysis) presented here she can state that the ethnic identity construction of the examined minorities differs from each other. It is evident that they have different ethnic self-identity due to the subjective and objective factors which, after all, influence the maintenance and the future construction of ethnic identity. In spite of the already mentioned difference, the findings of this research show that the ethnic construction of the two minorities has one common characteristic: both minorities consider the maintaining and development of the ethnic identity as the most important, mainly through the strengthening of the mother language. They are aware that the mother language is the most important element of ethnic construction, regardless of the position of their community in existing society.
EN
The article deals with the subject of national minorities in interwar Europe, and the possibilities and efforts to use and misuse them for political ends. It briefly describes the establishment and development of an institution for monitoring the German minorities around the world - Das Deutsche Ausland-Institut (DAI) in Stuttgart - its organization, tasks and methods of operation. Based on the speakers’ addresses during the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the foundation of the Institute held in Stuttgart in August 1937, the author compares the attitudes of a representative and leader of the German minority in Czechoslovakia (Henlein) with the attitudes and opinions of a representative of the Nazi regime (Frick). In the conclusion, the author provides information on some of the measures taken by the Czechoslovak government between February and April 1937 that were aimed to ensure equitable minority policy and good relations between the Czechoslovak authorities and national minorities in the area of public works and civil engineering, social and health care, recruitment into the civil service, language needs of national minorities, educational support, school organization and self-government.
Študijné zvesti
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2013
|
issue 53
159 - 181
EN
The study deals with toponymy of the most western part of Slovakia (Záhorie), which represent (create) the border with Czech Republic. The names of the villages and their terrain parts show that the region was situated in a marshy environment. The living conditions in this area were preferred by the Slavs rather than the Hungarians. The main orientation thoroughfares were the rivers: Danube, Morava, Myjava and their tributary streams. The archaeological researches and surveys have testified the plentiful Slav settlements from the beginning of the 6th century AD. Most of the village and terrain names inform us of the Christian and Pagan cults of our ancestors.
EN
The second part of the study goes into details of the attitude of Hungarian minority parties, namely the Provincial Christian Democratic Party (Országos Keresztény Szocialista Párt; OKSzP) and the Hungarian National Party (Magyar Nemzeti Párt; MNP), to the election of President Masaryk’s successor in December 1935. Much attention is paid to the important closing meeting of thein leaders on the eve of the election, i.e., 17th December 1935, which resulted in a joint declaration in support of the Presidential Nominee Edvard Beneš, Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time. The second part of the study recapitulates in detail the final meetings of the leading Hungarian minority politicians and tries to answer as precisely as possible the question whether really all OKSzP and MNP legislators complied in the Vladislaus Hall of the Prague Castle on 18th December 1935 with the communique adopted on its eve 17 December 1935 by the joint Parliament clubs and voted at the election session for Beneš.
EN
This article seeks to explore the ways of interpreting the historical role of Germans and Hungarians in history textbooks used in primary and secondary schools in Slovakia in the interwar period, from 1918 until 1939. Historical narratives presented in school history textbooks contribute, alongside the family, media and public life, and rituals, to forming the way young people perceive the world around them. They are also one of the main tools for the social production of stereotypes of the Other. Fearing the Other is widespread in present-day Slovakia, and although the reason for this situation has been ascribed to the recent economic and current refugee crises, this paper argues that negative responses to the Other are also partially a by-product of the ethnocentric and etatist character of history education. The presented research is based on the study of stereotypes – generally shared impressions, images, or thoughts existing within certain groups of people about the character of a particular group of people and their representations. The article seeks to prove that the motivations behind state-produced prejudices against the members of other nations are driven by the need to present one’s own group (the nation) superior to the Other, which has been a reaction to the competition between the two groups, economic frustration or social crises. The article employs the techniques of critical discourse analysis.
Mesto a dejiny
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 2
22 – 47
EN
The establishment of Czechoslovakia in 1918 was refused by a large proportion of its inhabitants, mainly from the part of Czechoslovak Germans and Hungarians. Beside them, a certain number of Slovaks rebelled against the state project of Czech and Slovak political elites as well. Some of them preferred to remain in the frame of the historical Hungary because they shared with Hungarians for century transmitted cultural patterns and cultural repertoire, the use of which came by implementing the idea of Czechoslovakism to the threat. Rebelling attitudes against Czechoslovak statehood were registered especially in the ethnically heterogeneous regions and cities which were located in the contact zone between the territories with the majority Slovak population on the one side and the minority Hungarian one on the other. Analysing the archival documents, the author of the paper focuses firstly on reactions of indigenous inhabitants of Slovak origin of the city of Košice to the establishment of Czechoslovakia, secondly, on pursuits of the political elites to implement the Czechoslovak state idea in the public space of the city, its successes, failures and tensions between the Czechoslovak and Slovak (autonomous) camps of nationalists. Thirdly, the analysis of the electoral behaviour stands in the spotlight, according to which the majority of local indigenous Slovaks voted the oppositionist parties what indicates that, in the long term, the idea of the Czechoslovak state was refused by these inhabitants. The purpose of the study lies in recognizing differentiated attitudes of the Slovak interwar (mainly urban) society to the Czechoslovak statehood and, hence, in outlining an alternative story to the traditional, in the cultural memory reproduced narrative about the establishment of Czechoslovakia as a “national liberation”.
EN
The goal of this work is to follow both the persistence and the concrete transformation of ethnic and ethic-related stereotypes and their public representations in the processes of the Slovak nationalism in the multinational Hungarian Kingdom in the second half of the 19th century and the first decade of the 20th century. In our article we focused on the visual form of depicting representatives of collective (especially ethnic) identities. We worked on the assumption, that this visual form occupies a specific position in the process of spreading stereotypes and fixing them over time. Especially rewarding objects of investigation for such research are caricatures. As the source material we chose political caricatures published in the popular Slovak humour magazine of this period, Černokňažník [The Wizard]. Through this caricatures we study images of „enemies“(especially in role of „traitor“ or „alien“) in the eyes of Slovak national patriots. In this sense we pay special attention to the figure of the Jew and „maďarón“ - Slovak term for someone who was (sometimes only supposedly) not „native“ Hungarian, but who was defending Hungarian political interests directed against Slovak national emancipation.
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