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What form of existentialism is there in Havel’ concept of dissent?: Hejdánek’s critique of Havel

100%
Hejduk T.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
|
2022
|
vol. 70
|
issue Special_issue_1
14-34
EN
The Czech dissident movement included thinkers who searched for a morally pure, parallel polis, and who felt comfortable within its isolation. The philosophers of Charter 77 (Jan Patočka and Ladislav Hejdánek especially), by contrast, rejected the idea of being morally superior to their opponents. It is interesting to consider where Václav Havel stands at this crossroads. Havel very much cooperated with the above-mentioned philosophers and was inspired by them in his own writing and agency. On the other hand, Havel undoubtedly performed a certain moral-existential concept of dissent. In this paper I examine Havel’s existential concept. In particular, after distinguishing between two existential approaches in Havel’s writings, I analyse two fundamental philosophical critiques of Havel in the work of Ladislav Hejdánek. According to Hejdánek, Havel 1) identifies intellectuals with non-politicians, i.e. he is governed by the incorrect dualism of the political versus the non-political, and 2) is self-focused and moralising, i.e. he keeps too much within his own self (subjectivity) and “a given” (existent, objective) world. Given this critique, I will systematise Hejdánek’s objections and suggested solutions. In the first case, I see the solution in a more detailed distinction: we should distinguish between politics and non-politics (intellectuals) but also non-political politics. In the second case, we should look for the essence (focal point) of man not in his morality but outside it: man should orient himself “out of his self”.
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Revoluce proti sob ě sam ým IV. sjezd Svazu československých spisovatelů 27.–29. června 1967, projevy a debaty v trojúhelníku spisovatelé, národ a moc

88%
Vörös I.
Slavia Occidentalis
|
2013
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issue 70/2
157-165
PL
1968 is a very controversial date these days. I start my research about 1968, by looking at 1967 first. Why? Because this congress was almost an exact projection of what happened during the Prague Spring, however, more was said there. The writers there were discussing the big questions, about a whole country and the destiny of a nation. Therefore, the importance of Kundera’s speech is quite significant. Havel, Vaculík, Ivan Klíma all gave politically important speeches. Regarding poetic power, Jan Skácel seemed especially strong. Even though Hrabal was not present, we have to give him some credit as well. Not only the positive, but also the negativeside of 1968 was predicted. Mainly the Communist Party’s attempt to intervene. The Czech Spring of 1968 wasnot a student-movement, but a struggle by middle-aged and mature intellectuals, mostly against what they hadinstigated in their youth. So this was an exceptionally self-critical revolution.
3
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The dissident and the spectre: reading Havel with Derrida

75%
Björk U.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
|
2022
|
vol. 70
|
issue Special_issue_1
105-121
EN
In this paper I argue that there is an affinity between the ‘dissident’ in Havel’s essay “The Power of the Powerless” and the ‘spectre’ in Derrida’s readings of Marx. Both are manifestations of a specific modern temporality that Derrida calls “disjointed”, because it is haunted by a revolutionary force and claim for justice. Both also evoke the weak messianic power inherent in Walter Benjamin’s historiography and the spectral responsibility recognised by this power, that is, our responsibility for past and future generations. In post-totalitarian Czechoslovakia, the “nonpolitical” dissident community prefigured the renewal of moral experiences of responsibility and solidarity. In contemporary discussions of democracy, the figure of the spectre is a reminder of the significance of the Marxist legacy beyond its ideological doctrine.
4
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Among the onions and carrots: the “dissident” and the countersignature of post-totalitarianism

75%
Forsberg N.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
|
2022
|
vol. 70
|
issue Special_issue_1
68-82
EN
This paper explores the notion of “power” prevalent in Václav Havel’s understanding of the post-totalitarian regime. With this notion of power, which is “seeping” in nature, rather than rooted solely in an individual agent’s actions, the role of the individual in the formation of the political “we” becomes a central issue. The starting point is Havel’s well-known example of “the greengrocer,” that illustrate how Havel pictures the way out of the post-totalitarian regime as one in which individuals move from living a lie to living in truth. I show how Havel’s talk about truth and authenticity, and his emphasis on a life in truth (which may appear judgemental, naive and cliché-like) is best understood. The wrong way to understand this is simply to say that people who merely obeyed that government, as the greengrocer did, are to be held accountable because they did not put up a fight against their oppressor. Such an understanding goes wrong because it fails to take into account the complexity of the relationship between power and language. In contrast to this, I argue that the central issue here is not that particular agents are to be held responsible for countersigning messages that they think are false. More precisely, I argue that the moral difficulty here is that the greengrocer’s deeds, which appear as countersignatures of the regime, are possible because the messages conveyed are “innocent” on the surface, in a “literal” sense. The moral dimension of the greengrocer’s actions, aiming to shed light on the complex relation between the government and the individual, is revealed as located in a field of tension between inherited sense and new projections. This, in turn, can help us to see the real nature of the transition Havel’s grocer undergoes when he moves from living a lie to living in truth. It is not a matter of negating a false statement or utterance, nor of replacing it with a true one. It is a matter of realising that the responsibility for meaning is, ultimately, ours – and that the way in which he, the grocer, is one of us is something that has to be earned.
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Językowe wyznaczniki perswazji w polskich przekładach przemówień Václava Havla lat dziewięćdziesiątych

63%
Zura A.
Język a Kultura
|
2014
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vol. 24
53 - 68
EN
This study describes the language persuasion of Václav Havel as translated and later published in the Polish press between 1990 and 1999. The translations present a natural continuation of his earlier essays and letters. This language persuasion has been subjected to analysis through detailing four kind of persuasion metaoperators to which belong the following: the verification blocking operator (assertiveness and judgment), operator causing the “observer effect,” the change of hierarchy of information sequence operator and the reinforcement of pragmatic function operator. This Czech author uses all possible means of persuasion and in a very obvious and open manner influences his audience. The effectiveness of this Czech president’s power of persuasion is underlined by the continued publishing of his essays which have been translated into many languages, including Polish.
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