Search results

1

Hercegowina na styku narodów, religii i języków

100%

Krysieniel K.

Border and Regional Studies

|

2013

|

vol. 1

|

issue 1

83-90

PL

Hercegowina, wprawdzie mniejsza pod względem powierzchni i liczby ludności od Bośni, posiada wiele cech odróżniających ją od większego sąsiada, z którym tworzy obecnie wspólne państwo. Wcześniej niż Bośnia wymieniana w literaturze, o bogatej i nierzadko dramatycznej historii, jest typowym obszarem pogranicza, gdzie stykają się ze sobą różne narody, kultury czy religie. Przez wieki silnie związana, głównie poprzez kontakty handlowe, z pobliskim wybrzeżem Adriatyku, a szczególnie z Dubrownikiem, przejęła wiele ze zwyczajów i tradycji śródziemnomorskich, będąc jednocześnie przez długi czas podporządkowana władcom tureckim, a do tego zamieszkana po części przez liczną grupę prawosławnych Serbów. Wszystkie te czynniki powodują, iż – pomimo braku wytyczonych, powszechnie akceptowanych granic – Hercegowina posiada swoją specyfikę, odróżniającą ją od sąsiednich prowincji. Niestety, jest ona współcześnie ze względów politycznych często negowana, podobnie zresztą jak sama nazwa, nieraz pomijana przy opisie tego jakże interesującego regionu.

EN

Herzegovina, although smaller in terms of area and population from Bosnia, has many features that distinguish it from the larger neighbour, with which it forms now a common state. Herzegovina has been mentioned earlier in the literature than Bosnia, it has a rich and often dramatic history. It is a typical frontier area where different nations, cultures and religions come to contact with each other. For centuries, Herzegovina has been strongly connected, mainly through commercial contacts, with the nearby Adriatic coast, and especially to Dubrovnik. It took over many of the customs and traditions of the Mediterranean, while being for a very long time under Turkish rule, and being inhabited by a large group of Orthodox Serbs. All these factors cause that despite the lack of commonly accepted boundaries, Herzegovina has its own characteristics, which distinguishes it from the neighbouring provinces. Unfortunately, this uniqueness is nowadays often denied due to political reasons, just like its name, which is often overlooked in the description of this very interesting region.

2

Postjugosłowiańskie interpretacje orientalizmu Ivo Andricia: niejednoznaczność osmańskiego dziedzictwa w Bośni i Hercegowinie

100%

Bartulović A.

Łódzkie Studia Etnograficzne

|

2017

|

vol. 56

PL

W sprzecznych wyobrażeniach o przeszłości bośniacko-osmańskiej, w latach dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku reinterpretowanej pragmatycznie przez pryzmat nacjonalizmu w krajach byłej Jugosławii, najsłynniejsze postacie w historii Bośni zazwyczaj przedstawiane są w bardzo różny sposób. W tym kontekście laureat Nagrody Nobla Ivo Andrić wyróżnia się jako jeden z najczęściej przywoływanych (i krytykowanych) pisarzy bośniackich. Rozpad republiki Jugosławii miał ogromny wpływ na ocenę Andricia i jego dzieł. Do twórczości Andricia rościli sobie prawa przede wszystkim Serbowie, a w mniejszym stopniu także i Chorwaci. Boszniacy natomiast starali się wręcz wymazać pisarza z kart historii, klasyfikując go jako zagorzałego zwolennika orientalizmu.Artykuł przedstawia prezentowany przez Andricia wariant orientalizmu, umiejętnie wkomponowany w jego twórczość literacką, widoczny także w jedynym napisanym przez niego dziele naukowym – pracy doktorskiej zatytułowanej Rozwój życia duchowego Bośni w czasach panowania tureckiego. W artykule znajduje się krótka analiza dyskursywna tej pracy; szczególny nacisk położono na omówienie sposobu, w jaki Andrić prezentował wpływy osmańskie widoczne w życiu społecznym, kulturalnym i politycznym Bośni. Analiza wykazuje, że poglądy Andricia na osmańską spuściznę początkowo ewoluowały jako dialog z orientalizmem habsburskim i austro-węgierskim, a także z ideologią formującego się Królestwa Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców (państwa jugosłowiańskiego). Napisane przez samego Andricia komentarze do pracy doktorskiej sugerują, że nie mamy tu do czynienia ze spójną i niezmienną perspektywą orientalistyczną, a raczej z wysoce wieloznacznym rozumieniem islamu i dziedzictwa osmańskiego. Artykuł ukazuje też, jak poglądy Andricia na osmańskie dziedzictwo są (błędnie) interpretowane w środowisku boszniackich intelektualistów oraz analizuje rolę Andricia w procesie tworzenia świadomości narodowej w powojennej Bośni i Hercegowinie.

EN

Conflicting understandings of the Ottoman and Bosnian past, which has been pragmatically reinterpreted through the nationalising gaze in the 1990s in the former Yugoslav space, tend to encompass different reinterpretations of the most prominent Bosnian (historical) figures. The Nobel Laureate Ivo Andrić stands out as one of the most politically (ab)used writers in Bosnian history. The dissolution of Yugoslavia deeply affected the reception of Andrić and his works. While both Serbs and, to a lesser extent, Croats claimed exclusive ownership of Andrić’s qualities, many Bosniaks made attempts to write him out of history, claiming that Andrić was a strong proponent of orientalism. The article traces a unique Andrić’s brand of orientalism, which is skilfully woven not only into Andrić’s literary works, but is also prominent in his only scientific work, a doctoral dissertation entitled The Development of Spiritual Life in Bosnia Under the Influenceof Turkish Rule. Hence, the article offers a short discursive analysis of Andrić’s dissertation, with special focus on his depiction of Ottoman influence on Bosnian social, cultural, and political life. An analysis indicates the early stages of Andrić’s thinking about the Ottoman legacy, developed in dialogue with the Habsburg or Austro-Hungarian orientalism and ideas of the new or still emerging Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenians (Yugoslav state). Andrić’s reactions to his own dissertation suggest that, we cannot speak of an unchanging and coherent orientalist perspective, but rather of a highly ambivalent understanding of Islam and the Ottoman legacy. Current (mis)understandings of Andrić’s reading of Ottoman legacy among a circle of Bosniak intellectuals are also exposed, with the aim to explore the position of Andrić in the process of nation-building in post-war BH.

3

Stosunek muzułmanów bośniackich do wahhabizmu – propozycja badań

80%

Pilarska J.

Studia Religiologica

|

2013

|

vol. 46

|

issue 3

217–234

EN

This article tackles the issue of the attitudes of Bosnian Muslims towards wahhabism as a concept questioning the multi-confessional order in contemporary Bosnia-Herzegovina. The general outline of Bosnian Sunnism as well as the theological foundations of wahhabism, introduced to the world of values constituting the confessional identity of Bosnian Muslims, were subject to a pilot, qualitative study. The respondents not only reconstructed the basis of the values Bosnian Muslims identify with, but also revealed their attitudes towards the fundamental contents of the Bosnian Islamic discourse. Upon processing the gathered material, it was possible to formulate preliminary conclusions that are worthy of further empirical exploration.

4

Wołosi/Vlasi z terenów Hercegowiny w świetle defterów osmańskich z XV i XVI wieku

61%

Czamańska I.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

|

2018

|

vol. 25

219-249

EN

Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities. Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions: 1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people. 2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare. 3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes. 4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes. 5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased. 6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names. 7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.

PL

Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities. Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions: 1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people. 2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare. 3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes. 4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes. 5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased. 6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names. 7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.

Refine search results

1 Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

1 Border and Regional Studies

1 Studia Religiologica

1 Łódzkie Studia Etnograficzne

1 Bartulović A.

1 Czamańska I.

1 Krysieniel K.

1 Pilarska J.

1 2018

1 2017

2 2013

Hercegowina na styku narodów, religii i języków

Postjugosłowiańskie interpretacje orientalizmu Ivo Andricia: niejednoznaczność osmańskiego dziedzictwa w Bośni i Hercegowinie

Stosunek muzułmanów bośniackich do wahhabizmu – propozycja badań

Wołosi/Vlasi z terenów Hercegowiny w świetle defterów osmańskich z XV i XVI wieku