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EN
The focus of the article is to describe the processes and causes that led to the emergence among the Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina of an awareness of their distinction from Serbs and Croats, and of the reasons for the creation in mid-20th century a separate “constitutive nation” out of them in Tito’s Yugoslavia, officially called Muslims (Muslimani). At the beginning of the 19th century, during Turkish domination and later after Bosnia and Herzegovina passed under Austro-Hungarian occupation, a part of the native adherents of Islam cherished a sense of cultural and religious individuality. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries certian Croat and Serbian national activists treated Muslim Bosniaks as “Croats” or “Serbs” who only differed in terms of religious faith, and so tried to win them for their national-political projects, whereas the previously “Turkish” and then “Austrian” area of Bosnia was to be politically and administratively divided. In the interwar period and the time of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (the SHS Kingdom), later Yugoslavia, the Bosnian adherents of Islam (especially those of the upper classes) saw themselves either as “Islamized Croats” or “Islamized Serbs”, or “Serbs and Croats of Muslim religion”. During the Second World War a substantial part of Bosniaks and their elites for various reasons declared to be “Muslim Croats” and supported political collaboration with the Ustaše regime and the totalitarian government of Ante Pavelić in the Independent State of Croatia. After 1945 when the communists and Josip Broz Tito seized power, the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina was recreated in the borders of 1878 as part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Official recognition of a new “constitutive nation” of Muslims took place in the years 1968- 1974.
EN
The focus of the article is to describe the processes and causes that led to the emergence among the Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina of an awareness of their distinction from Serbs and Croats, and of the reasons for the creation in mid-20th century a separate “constitutive nation” out of them in Tito’s Yugoslavia, officially called Muslims (Muslimani). At the beginning of the 19th century, during Turkish domination and later after Bosnia and Herzegovina passed under Austro- Hungarian occupation, a part of the native adherents of Islam cherished a sense of cultural and religious individuality. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries certian Croat and Serbian national activists treated Muslim Bosniaks as “Croats” or “Serbs” who only differed in terms of religious faith, and so tried to win them for their national -political projects, whereas the previously “Turkish” and then “Austrian” area of Bosnia was to be politically and administratively divided. In the interwar period and the time of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (the SHS Kingdom), later Yugoslavia, the Bosnian adherents of Islam (especially those of the upper classes) saw themselves either as “Islamized Croats” or “Islamized Serbs” or “Serbs and Croats of Muslim religion”. During the Second World War a substantial part of Bosniaks and their elites for various reasons declared to be “Muslim Croats” and supported political collaboration with the Ustaše regime and the totalitarian government of Ante Pavelić in the Independent State of Croatia. After 1945 when the communists and Josip Broz Tito seized power, the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina was recreated in the borders of 1878 as part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Official recognition of a new “constitutive nation” of Muslims took place in the years 1968- 1974.
EN
The Young Turk revolution changed considerably the position of the Great Powers in Istanbul. The unexpected turmoil in the Ottoman Empire caused considerable anxiety in the European capitals – especially in Vienna. From the point of view of Austria-Hungary it imperiled the occupation of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Habsburg government. The change of the regime therefore compelled the foreign minister Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal to turn away from the traditional policy of maintaining status quo on the Balkans. However the Austro-Hungarian statesman viewed this situation as an opportunity to a rapprochement with Russia. At the end of summer 1908 he therefore started negotiations with his Russian counterpart Alexander Izvolsky concerning the status of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
EN
Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities. Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions: 1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people. 2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare. 3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes. 4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes. 5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased. 6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names. 7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.
PL
Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities. Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions: 1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people. 2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare. 3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes. 4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes. 5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe.  Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased. 6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names. 7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.
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EN
The object of the study are the determinants of the collapse of Yugoslavia considering the historical circumstances that defined the shape of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and were a basis of erosive movements at the beginning of the 1990s that led to a bloody conflict. Relations among the Yugoslav nations under the rule of Josip Broz Tito are described. The situation in the republic on the threshold of war is analyzed with emphasis on the decisions of the political elite of those times who perceived armed conflict as instrumental in implementing the ideas of creating independent political organisms. The course of the 10-day war is outlined that led to the emergence of Slovenia as an independent state. The endeavors of political decision makers to create a nationally homogeneous Croatia to the exclusion of the vital interests of the Serbian minority inhabiting in compact enclaves the region of the Military Frontier and Slavonia are discussed. The character of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is shown through a description of the besieged Sarajevo, a divided Mostar, the balance of wrongs experienced by inhabitants of Bosnia due to atrocities committed by all the warring parties.
PL
Hercegowina, wprawdzie mniejsza pod względem powierzchni i liczby ludności od Bośni, posiada wiele cech odróżniających ją od większego sąsiada, z którym tworzy obecnie wspólne państwo. Wcześniej niż Bośnia wymieniana w literaturze, o bogatej i nierzadko dramatycznej historii, jest typowym obszarem pogranicza, gdzie stykają się ze sobą różne narody, kultury czy religie. Przez wieki silnie związana, głównie poprzez kontakty handlowe, z pobliskim wybrzeżem Adriatyku, a szczególnie z Dubrownikiem, przejęła wiele ze zwyczajów i tradycji śródziemnomorskich, będąc jednocześnie przez długi czas podporządkowana władcom tureckim, a do tego zamieszkana po części przez liczną grupę prawosławnych Serbów. Wszystkie te czynniki powodują, iż – pomimo braku wytyczonych, powszechnie akceptowanych granic – Hercegowina posiada swoją specyfikę, odróżniającą ją od sąsiednich prowincji. Niestety, jest ona współcześnie ze względów politycznych często negowana, podobnie zresztą jak sama nazwa, nieraz pomijana przy opisie tego jakże interesującego regionu.
EN
Herzegovina, although smaller in terms of area and population from Bosnia, has many features that distinguish it from the larger neighbour, with which it forms now a common state. Herzegovina has been mentioned earlier in the literature than Bosnia, it has a rich and often dramatic history. It is a typical frontier area where different nations, cultures and religions come to contact with each other. For centuries, Herzegovina has been strongly connected, mainly through commercial contacts, with the nearby Adriatic coast, and especially to Dubrovnik. It took over many of the customs and traditions of the Mediterranean, while being for a very long time under Turkish rule, and being inhabited by a large group of Orthodox Serbs. All these factors cause that despite the lack of commonly accepted boundaries, Herzegovina has its own characteristics, which distinguishes it from the neighbouring provinces. Unfortunately, this uniqueness is nowadays often denied due to political reasons, just like its name, which is often overlooked in the description of this very interesting region.
Studia Religiologica
|
2013
|
vol. 46
|
issue 3
217–234
EN
This article tackles the issue of the attitudes of Bosnian Muslims towards wahhabism as a concept questioning the multi-confessional order in contemporary Bosnia-Herzegovina. The general outline of Bosnian Sunnism as well as the theological foundations of wahhabism, introduced to the world of values constituting the confessional identity of Bosnian Muslims, were subject to a pilot, qualitative study. The respondents not only reconstructed the basis of the values Bosnian Muslims identify with, but also revealed their attitudes towards the fundamental contents of the Bosnian Islamic discourse. Upon processing the gathered material, it was possible to formulate preliminary conclusions that are worthy of further empirical exploration.
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