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Koncepcja artysty i konflikt pokoleniowy w "Liście do Pizonów" Horacego. Glosa do antycznej krytyki literackiej

100%
Kopek W.
Colloquia Litteraria
|
2016
|
vol. 21
|
issue 2
117-144
PL
This paper, taking as a starting point Horace’s “Epistle to the Pissos”, its form and structure, approaches the Horatian problem of an artist involved in the Roman social issues, dominated by such categories as pietas and dignitas, both in relationship to the poet himself and to the social position and role of the profession of an artist (dichotomy: otium – negotium). Moreover, the role of a literary critic is discussed. A literary critic, by imposing certain rules and constraints on the artist, himself is not free of the social pressure being the result of the client/patron dependence. Writing in this context becomes an art of a compromise of values, between social and legal solutions founded in Rome’s traditional ‘community of citizens’ and the aesthetic limits and needs of the new generation of creators and their audiences.
2
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Bellum civile, bellum externum. Ambiwalencja obrazów wojny w twórczości Horacego

100%
Kopek W.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Historicolitteraria
|
2015
|
vol. 15
3-14
PL
Bellum civile, bellum externum. Ambivalence of war images in Horace’s works The article aims at illustrating and explaining the ambivalence of images of just, external war (bellum externum) and civil, fratricidal war (bellum civile) in relation to the ancient literary theory and criticism, the phenomenon of political and cultural ‟patronage” and the political events of Augustan period. By analyzing the odes II 7 and III 2, epode 9 and ode I 37 the author argues that Horace’s initial litterary concept of presentation of civil and external war conventions as fas/nefas changes under the patronage. However, the poet himself, trying to preserve the poetic autonomy and meet the requirements of the ancient literary theory and criticism includes a new political and social situation in the sphere of his work. Key words: Horace; criticism; war; patronage; autonomy;
3
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Pomnik czy twierdza? Kilka uwag o Mickiewiczowskiej parafrazie Horacjańskiej pieśni

72%
Brzuska B.
Prace Filologiczne. Literaturoznawstwo
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2015
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issue 5(8)
51-71
EN
Adam Mickiewicz’s paraphrase of Ode III 30 by Horace has survived in two manuscript versions. In each, however, the incipit of Horace’s verse, treated as the title of the Polish poet’s work, is referred to in a slightly different form and its key word appears in as many as three variants (in two manuscript versions and in the first print edition). This fact and various interpretation possibilities related thereto constitute an essential part of the present remarks. The article ends with a supplement of sorts dedicated to the paraphrase of the same Horatian ode by Pushkin. The poem is a very important element of the Russian Romantic’s oeuvre; it is considered to be his poetic last will and testament. All the more surprising, it might seem, were the problems with its first publication, and some discrepancies in the alterations made in the first edition of the paraphrase by Mickiewicz indicate their common source – the “political incorrectness” of both authors.
4
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Jan Andrzej Morsztyn and Votum z Seneki; or, A scorpion and his stings

72%
Jakielaszek J.
Prace Filologiczne. Literaturoznawstwo
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2015
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issue 5(8)
149-166
EN
The present paper investigates the relevance of structural and intertextual information for an interpretation of Votum z Seneki dla Jegomości Pana Chorążego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego by Jan Andrzej Morsztyn. Placing both the structural and intertextual properties of the text against a wider context of the literary practices of the period, of the contemporaneous philosophical discussions and tendencies, as well as philological discussions of relevant hypotexts, allows one, it is argued, to uncover at least two distinct, although closely intertwined, layers of irony and scepticism in Morsztyn’s piece.
5
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Horacjańskie mala carmina a wolność słowa poety w prawie rzymskim

72%
Nowicka D.
Studia Prawnicze KUL
|
2014
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issue 1 (57)
135-151
PL
Powyższy artykuł poświęcony został kwestii swobody wypowiedzi poety w kontekście zagadnienia ochrony czci jednostki w prawie rzymskim. Analizie poddane zostały fragmenty satyry pierwszej z księgi drugiej, w której Horacy używa tytułowego określenia mala carmina. Pomocniczo wykorzystano głównie fragmenty satyry czwartej i dziesiątej z księgi pierwszej, choć pojawiają się także odniesienia do innych źródeł. Poza poruszaną w artykule problematyką znalazły się zagadnienia związane z politycznymi uwarunkowaniami wolności słowa w zakresie twórczości literackiej, jak również kwestie naruszenia dobrego imienia szczególnych kategorii osób, podlegających ochronie z tytułu maiestas. Podstawowe zagadnienie omawiane w artykule dotyczyło uregulowania stanowiącego podstawę ewentualnej odpowiedzialności poety za stworzone przez niego zniesławiające wiersze. W zakresie tym stwierdzić należy, iż mógł nim być jedynie edykt ne quid infamandi causa fiat, jako że ani ustawa decemwiralna, ani też lex Cornelia de iniuriis nie zawierały unormowań dotyczących zniesławienia. Warunkiem pociągnięcia autora do odpowiedzialności była możliwość przypisania mu, choćby ubocznie, działania infamandi causa. Takie zaś z pewnością występuje po stronie Horacego, który w celu uzdrowienia społeczeństwa używa konkretnych przykładów osób, dopuszczających się niepożądanych zachowań. Mimo zatem szlachetnej motywacji, a także – co podkreśla poeta – tworzenia w zgodzie z regułami gatunku, bohaterowie jego utworów mogli w skuteczny sposób skorzystać z ochrony, jaką dawała im actio iniuriarum.
EN
The above article is dedicated to the issue of freedom of speech of a poet in the light of a problem of defamation of an individual. The analysis is based on the fragments of Horace’s first satire from book two, where the notion of mala carmina was used. Fragments of satires 1,4 and 1,10 were used accessarily, some other texts being referred to as well. No remarks on the issue of political conditioning of the freedom of speech in poesy, nor the matter of injuring the good name of a special category of people being protected on maiestas grounds, were made. The essential question was about a regulation, which created a legal responsibility for an author of a libellous poem. It could be but the praetor’s ne quid infamandi causa fiat edict, as neither XII Tables, nor lex Cornelia de iniuriis included provisions on defamation. The condition under which an author of a lampoon could be found liable was acting (at least accessarily) infamandi causa. This kind of behaviour is certainly the case of Horace, who, aiming at moral sanation of the society, uses concrete examples of people behaving inappropriately. Despite the noble motivation and – what is especially underlined by the poet – following the principles of the genre, people used as characters in his poems could successfully use the legal protection by bringing actio iniuriarum.
RU
Вышеуказанная статья рассматривает вопрос свободы высказывания поэта в контексте вопроса защиты человеческой чести в римском праве. Были проанализированы фрагменты первой сатиры из второй книги, в которой Гораций использует заглавное определение mala carmina. Дополнительно использовано главные фрагменты четвертой и десятой сатиры из первой книги, хотя появляются также отнесения к другим источникам. Кроме обсуждаемой в статье проблематики явились вопросы, связанные с политическими условиями свободы слова в сфере литературного творчества, а также вопросы нарушения чести особых категорий лиц, подвергающихся защите из maiestas. Основной вопрос рассматриваемый в статье касался урегулирования, которое является основой возможной ответственностью поэта за созданные им порочащие стихи. Следует отметить, что мог им быть только эдикт ne quid infamandi causa fiat, так как ни децемвиральный закон или lex Cornelia de iniuriis не заключали положений, касающихся диффамации. Условием привлечения автора к ответственности была возможность приписания ему действия infamandi causa. Такое относится к Горацию, который в целях исцеления общества применяет конкретные примеры лиц, совершающие нежелательное поведение. Несмотря на благородную мотивацию, а также - как подчеркивает поэт - создавание в соответствии с правилами вида, герои его произведений могли в эффективный способ воспользоваться защитой, какую давала им actio iniuriarum.
6
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Potrawy na uczcie Nazydiena (Horatius, Saturae II 8) a "De re coquinaria" Apicjusza

72%
Wyszomirski S.
Vox Patrum
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2013
|
vol. 59
331-338
EN
Two issues were raised in the article entitled „Dishes at Nasidien’s feast (Horatius, Saturae II 8) and Apicius’ De re coquinaria”. First, comparison of dishes the description of which Horace included in Saturae II 8 with heir analog­ical recipes for these from Apicius’ De re coquinaria. These comparisons lead to the conclusion that, even in Augustan times, developing the culinary art had its supporters and that the chefs were trying to surprise symposium participants with new ideas, which made them experiment in this area all the time. An example of such efforts, among the others, is the method of making a sauce which was used to put on Nasidien’s moray, or wild pigeons whose croups had been cut off. On the other hand, on the example of De re coquinaria we can observe the evolution of culinary art which attached more and more importance to various kinds of spices used in more and more sophisticated sauces which gave a proper taste to diverse dishes of fish, poultry and game. The other issue, which is still present, is proper understanding and interpretation of these fragments of Horace’s Saturae II 8 where the poet gives us a description of dishes prepared by Nasidien’s chefs. Among the others, attention was drawn to the fact that the notion of faecula Coa (Saturae II. 8. 9) shall not be understood, as assumed before, as dried powdered yeast or wine grounds but rather as a substitute for grape honey described by Isidor (Etymologiae XX 3, 13: „Faecula uva pinguis, decocta usque ad crassitu­dinem mellis, ac refrigata, utilis stomacho”). This understanding of faecula Coa lets us read differently 6-9 verses in Saturae II 8 where the wild boar served by Nasidien was poured over by cheap substitutes, i.e. so called allec sauce (instead of liquamen) and faecula Coa (instead of honey). The Horace’s description, thus, has, in this place an ironic implication. It was also suggested that the 51-53 verses in Saturae II 8, where Nasidien boasts that he was the first one with the idea of boiling eruca sativa (rucola) with inula helenium, should be linked with previous verses which give the description of the sauce used for pouring over moray as eruca sativa boiled with inula helenium did not form a new dish but it was an ingredient of the mentioned sauce. Information about liver of a white goose fed with figs in Saturae II 8, 88 deserves special attention. We cannot find this dish recipe in Apicius’ De re coquinaria. However, we learn from the Plinius’ account that it was Apicius who invented a new method of preparing goose liver (Plinius, Historia naturalis VIII 209: Adhibetur et ars iecori feminarium sicut anserum, inventum M. Apici, fico arida saginatis ac satie necatis repente mulsi potu dato). This method involved feeding those birds with figs before they were killed. This way ensured that goose liver had a right taste and later wine with honey was add­ed to it. However, according to Horace’s information, which cannot be shaken, the custom of feeding geese with figs had been known before Apicius. As, on the basis of preserved records on Apicius’ life, it is difficult to confirm that he lived in Horace’s times it seems necessary to correct the account of Pilnius and to interpret it in the way that the innovation of Apicius involved only serving liver with some wine with honey (muslum), not feeding geese with figs as this practice had been done much earlier.
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Pięć stadiów żałoby w odzie I 24 Horacego

58%
Pypłacz J.
Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej
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2016
|
vol. 66
215-222
PL
Na długo przed wyszczególnieniem przez psychologów pięciu etapów żałoby rzymski poeta Horacy instynktownie uczynił to w swojej Odzie 1.24, napisanej po śmierci przyjaciela, Kwintyliusza Warusa. W utworze tym poeta bardzo trafnie scharakteryzował kolejno stadia depresji, zaprzeczenia, negocjowania, gniewu oraz akceptacji.
EN
Long before modern psychologists classified and explained the five stages of grief, the Roman poet Horace gave an instuitive portrayal of these stages in his Ode 1 24, which was written after the death of his friend Quintilius Varus. In this poem, Horace with great accuracy describes the consecutive phases of grief, which are nowadays defined as depression, denial, bargaining, anger and acceptance.
8

Elementy mimu w epodzie Horacego „Quid tibi vis, mulier”

58%
Kopek W.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
|
2013
|
vol. 61
|
issue 3: Filologia Klasyczna
5-20
EN
This article aims at discovering the literary context for Horace’s Epode 12 through juxtaposing it against Herondas’ mimes; in particular against Mime V, entitled Jealous. The description of the relationship that obtains between these works relies on the ancient theory of rhetoric and on elements of Ars poetica by Horace. The research helped determine that Epode 12 reveals numerous features that are characteristic of the mime: it is an apparent dialogue (sermocinatio) recited by a single performer (mime), most probably in a scenery of an ancient feast. A participant of the feast becomes an actor, who first performs the role of a male lover (iuvenis), and then he plays an elderly female lover (mulier). These protagonists are typical of old and new comedy styles. Nevertheless, the whole dramatic setting seems to bear the semblance of Mime V, in which the same literary protagonists can be found in the scene of a row between lovers. Specific rhetorical figures (imitatio) indicate, on the one hand, that the literary original was used in a creative manner. On the other, Mime V can also be used in the interpretation of Epode 12. This interpretation can be built on the processes of liberation and subjugation as part of the lovers’ relationship (actual subjugation in Mime V, and metaphorical - financial in Epode 12, where iuvenis is mulier’s “kept man”).
9
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Petrycego z Pilzna adaptacje Horacjańskich pieśni erotycznych

58%
Mathiesen A., Jaworska-Wołoszyn M.
Język. Religia. Tożsamość
|
2019
|
issue 1(19)2019
91-106
PL
Postać i twórczość jednego z najwybitniejszych rzymskich poetów, czyli Horacego, jest znana niemal każdemu w odróżnieniu do filozofa, medyka i pedagoga Sebastiana Petrycego z Pilzna. Ten ostatni niejednokrotnie sięgał po stanowiące dlań źródło inspiracji pisma Horacego, przez co to właśnie jemu polski czytelnik zawdzięcza pierwszy przekład pieśni sławetnego Rzymianina. Jednym z wielu, lecz nader istotnym z perspektywy Horacjańskiej twórczości, jawi się wątek erotyczny, który następnie został podjęty przez Petrycego w Odach. Celem artykułu jest przeto omówienie głównych miłosnych motywów obecnych u Horacego oraz ich Petrycjańskich adaptacji przy uwzględnieniu przestróg polskiego tłumacza odnoszących się do tematyki erotyczno‑miłosnej.
XX
While serving his sentence in the Moscovsky prison Sebastian Petrycy of Pilzno, Polish Aristotelian, translated, adapted and attached the commentaries to the cantos of Quintus Horatius Flaccus. For him it was primarily a form of consolation during that severe punishment, for the generations of readers it was and is a magnificent fusion of poetry ant moral philosophy at its finest. The translated text constituted a base for creating a paraphrase of the wisdom of the Roman poet in order to make it more understandable for Polish audience. He intertwined Horatian lyrics with Polish expressions and assimilated it with indigenous reality of his times. Moreover, he put his effort in explaining the poetic message in its most philosophical aspects adding the set of commentaries along the main text. In this article the erotic motif of Horatian poetry and Petricean rendition and comments will be analyzed and exposed from a philosophical perspective. And as far as love and desire remain the main pillars of human essentiality, the Authors aim into emphasizing the importance of Petrycy’s work from ethical and pedagogical points of view.
10
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The Five Stages of Grief in Horace’s Ode I.24

58%
Pypłacz J., Smycz J.
Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej
|
2020
|
vol. Special Issue
5-12
EN
Long before modern psychology classified and explained the five stages of mourning, the Roman poet Horace made an intuitive portrayal of these stages in his Ode I.24, which was written on the death of his friend Quintilius Varus. In this poem, Horace describes the consecutive phases of grief in bereavement – nowadays defined as depression, denial, bargaining, anger and acceptance – with remarkable accuracy.
PL
Na długo przed wyszczególnieniem przez psychologów pięciu etapów żałoby rzymski poeta Horacy instynktownie uczynił to w swojej Odzie 1.24, napisanej po śmierci przyjaciela, Kwintyliusza Warusa. W utworze tym poeta bardzo trafnie scharakteryzował kolejno stadia depresji, zaprzeczenia, negocjowania, gniewu oraz akceptacji.
11
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[...] Odores, quos tener e terra divite mittit Arabs. Funkcja motywu wyperfumowanego i zamożnego Araba oraz wonnej i zasobnej Arabii w twórczości poetów rzymskich okresu augustowskiego

44%
Libowski Ł.
Littera Antiqua
|
2019
|
issue 14
5-29
EN
The purpose of this article is to determine the function of one of the minor literary motifs present in the Roman literature of the Augustan period, i.e., the motif of the perfumed and wealthy Arab and fragrant and rich Arabia. This goal is achieved here in two steps: first, the appropriate source material is compiled, and then the material is analysed and the conclusions are formulated. The source material in this case is seventeen extracts from Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Pseudo-Tibullus, Propercius and Ovid. These fragments were divided into those, in which the respective fragrance motif was embedded in the axiological context (sixteen fragments), and those, in which the motif appears in the neutral context (one fragment). Among the first there were separated those, in which the positive axiological context is dealt with (ten fragments), and those, in which the negative axiological context is dealt with (six fragments). The fragments of the first type mention the value of a woman (four fragments), religious activities (three fragments), the Roman land (two fragments) and peace (one fragment), while the fragments of the second type express the worthlessness of wealth (five fragments) and remoteness from the loved person (one fragment). In turn, the analysis was carried out in two steps. First, it was found that Latin poets and writers of the Augustan period use the fragrance motif when they value, whether positively or negatively, people or things or situations, or activities, and that these writers use the motif discussed here to build images that appeal to the public. Secondly, it was established that the Arabic motif is expressed at the same time in a lot of different words, should all the fragments in which it appears, be taken together, and in few words, should each of the fragments should be considered separately.
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