Search results - CEJSH

1

Fit for the Job? Legislation and Legal Practice on Terrorism in Hungary

100%

Stauber P.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 4

103-114

EN

Hungary is usually not considered a country associated with terrorism. Having worked more than a decade in Hungarian public service, the author has often encountered statements that terrorism is even non-existent in Hungary. However, this may not be true any longer (if it ever was) due to the rise of the terrorist threat throughout Europe. In this paper, the author tries to take stock of the counter-terrorism provisions in Hungary’s criminal law, focusing on the question of whether the law is actually aligned with the relevant EU standards and whether it is able to handle the current threat. The conclusion is that both the law in force (although mostly in line with the relevant international standards) and the related practice of the authorities could be improved, taking into account the new nature of the terrorist threat Europe is facing.

2

The Rise of Jobbik, Populism, and the Symbolic Politics of Illiberalism in Contemporary Hungary

100%

Murer J. S.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 2

79-102

EN

Following the economic crisis of 2007–2008, Hungarian politics turned dramatically to the right. In addition to the sweeping 2010 electoral victory of a two-thirds majority by the Fidesz party, a relatively recent upstart party, Jobbik, further yet to the right of Fidesz, also had a strong showing. This article explores the rise of Jobbik from deep nationalist, anti-Semitic and anti-Roma currents in Hungarian symbolic politics dating back to the last years of the 1980s and the early days of the 1990s. In its current form, Jobbik is more than a political party; through its direct action affiliates, its members engage in physical politics beyond the ballot box through acts of intimidation and violence. With its claims that it opposes liberalism, global capitalism, and Zionism, Jobbik is the face of a new illiberal politics in Europe that seeks to dismantle the project of the European Union.

3

ELDERLY CARE IN HUNGARY

100%

Lajkó D.

Polityka Społeczna

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2013

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vol. 40

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issue 1(9) ENG "OLD" AND "NEW" SOCIAL RISKS

30-36

EN

Definition of long term care is not yet clear in many countries’ social security systems. The long term care benefits and services do exist and are regulated under different laws of public and private character. The article underlines that both those in need of care as well as their families need social help. In Hungary the law concerning long term care is segmented and complicated. Resources dedicated to long term care needs are not sufficient. Also eligibility to benefits, due to various reasons, are not equal. There is a room for improvement in organization of long term care for the elderly in Hungary.

4

Hungary’s Perspective on the Banking Union and Remarks on the Possibility of Eurozone Accession

80%

Domonkos E.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 3

37-48

EN

The objective of this essay is to analyse the position of the Hungarian government towards the banking union. In order to better understand the official standpoint of the cabinet, it is necessary to make a brief overview related to the possible introduction of the euro in Hungary. As far as the country’s preparedness for the adoption of the euro is concerned, several internal factors (fulfilment of the Maastricht convergence criteria, pursuance of credible and responsible economic policy that promote sustainable economic growth and macroeconomic stability, etc.) and external ones (the structural problems of some eurozone countries and the extended and modified rules of the Stability and Growth Pact and the Euro Plus Pact) have to be taken into account if a responsible decision about accession to the eurozone is to be taken. Only with wide consensus between the participants in the country’s economy and society and considered, balanced economic policy can Hungary reap the possible benefits of the adoption of the common currency.

5

Twórczość Zbigniewa Herberta na Węgrzech – szkic do historii recepcji

80%

Woiński Ł.

Orbis Linguarum

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2019

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issue 53

279-287

EN

The paper attempts to outline the reception of Zbigniew Herbert’s oeuvre in Hungary by presenting both common and divergent places in the reading strategies of the Polish poet’s works adopted by Hungarian critics and writers. Since his literary output gained there significant popularity, one of the article’s goals is to retrace the story of his wide fame among reading public and to point out the role of his literary works in moulding political consciousness. It also contains a description of Herbert’s relations with some key figures of cultural life in the aforementioned country, including such outstanding authors like László Nagy and Sándor Kányádi. Some of Zbigniew Herbert’s poems directly refer to real people and events, therefore the knowledge of context turns out to be essential in the interpretation process.

6

Reformy i trendy centralizacyjne na Węgrzech i w Polsce w perspektywie porównawczej

80%

Rajca L.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2020

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issue 5(160)

133-151

EN

The article analyzes the reforms and centralization trends in Hungary and Poland in recent years. Its aim is to compare the scale of this phenomenon in both countries and to indicate its causes. The results of the analyses show a clearly different scale of recentralization in Poland and Hungary. The main reason for recentralization in Hungary was the inefficiency of the local government system, while in Poland the reason for centralization trends in recent years was the desire of the central authority to create better conditions for the implementation of centrally-made decisions and to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of public services provision.

7

From a Conflict to Normalization? The Politics and Government of Vladimír Mečiar and Mikulas Dzurinda in Slovakia Towards the Republic of Hungary in 1993–2002

80%

Żarna K.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 30

164-178

PL

Analizując główne problemy w bilateralnych relacjach słowacko- -węgierskich w latach 1993–2002 można dojść do wniosku, że barier na drodze do porozumienia było w analizowanym okresie bardzo wiele. Wielowiekowa zależność Słowaków od Węgrów spowodowała wzrost tendencji nacjonalistycznych wśród polityków i społeczeństwa słowackiego. Kolejnymi czynnikami, które wpływały na wzajemną niechęć były postanowienia traktatu w Trianon, Dekrety Beneša , sytuacja mniejszości węgierskiej na Słowacji, spór wokół zapory wodnej na Dunaju oraz stanowisko ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych. Najgorzej sytuacja przedstawiała się w okresie rządów Vladimíra Mečiara (1993–1998). Działania tego rządu spotkały się z reakcją ze strony rządu węgierskiego a także Unii Europejskiej, Organizacji Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie oraz Rady Europy. Konsekwencją tej polityki był fakt, że Słowacja nie została zaproszona podczas szczytu w Luksemburgu (1997 r.) do rozpoczęcia negocjacji akcesyjnych z UE. Podobnie sytuacja przedstawiała się w kontekście wejścia do Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego: podczas gdy Czechy, Polska i Węgry zostały zaproszone do członkowska w Madrycie w 1997 r., Słowacja pozostała na marginesie. Rządy Mečiara to również okres kryzysu Grupy Wyszehradzkiej w ramach której mogłoby dochodzić do rozwiązywania wielu problemów bilateralnych. Wydawać by się mogło, że po wyborach 1998 r. i zmianie rządów na Słowacji dojdzie do normalizacji we wzajemnych stosunkach. Ważną ku temu przesłanką był skład koalicji rządowej, gdzie znaleźli się słowaccy Węgrzy czy powołanie mieszanych komisji mających rozwiązać najbardziej palące problemy. Oba państwa zmuszone były do współdziałania w celu osiągnięcia priorytetów w polityce zagranicznej, jakimi była chęć wejścia do Unią Europejską i Sojuszem Północnoatlantyckim. W tym też celu odnowiono współpracę w ramach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej. Powstaje pytanie, czy był to ten czynnik, który spowodował normalizację wzajemnych stosunków? Wydaje się, że nie. Oba państwa osiągnęły swój najważniejszy cel i do tego niezbędna była współpraca. Nie zmienia to faktu, że również w okresie rządów Dzurindy dochodziło do wielu zadrażnień nie związanych już bezpośrednio z posunięciami rządu w Bratysławie, ale raczej obciążeniami z przeszłości. Kolejnym aspektem były rządy na Węgrzech Viktora Orbana oraz stanowisko skrajnie nacjonalistycznych partii politycznych.

EN

When analyzing the main problems in the bilateral Slovak-Hungarian relations in 1993–2002 it can be concluded that there were many barriers to an agreement in that period of time. Centuries-long Slovak dependence on Hungary increased the nationalistic tendencies among politicians and the Slovak society. Other factors that affected the mutual antipathy were provisions of the Treaty of Trianon, Benes Decrees, situation of Hungarian minority in Slovakia, the dispute over the dam on the Danube and the position of nationalist groups. The worst situation was during the rule of Vladimír Mečiar (1993–1998). This government’s actions met with a response from the Hungarian government, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe. The consequence of this policy was the fact that Slovakia was not invited to the summit in Luxembourg (1997) to start negotiations with the EU. Similar situation happened in the context of the entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO): while the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were invited to become member in Madrid in 1997, Slovakia remained as an outsider. Mečiar’s regime was also a period of crisis within the Visegrad Group which could have claimed to solve many bilateral issues. It would seem that after the elections in 1998 and the regime change in Slovakia it could come to the normalization of mutual relations. An important prerequisite for doing so was a coalition government, which included the Slovak Hungarians or with the establishment of a mixed commission to solve the most urgent problems. Both countries were forced to work together to achieve the priority in foreign policy, which was to enter the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. For this purpose, the cooperation within the Visegrad Group was renewed. The question is whether it was this factor that caused the normalization of relations? It seems not. Both countries achieved their primary goal, and this cooperation was necessary. It does not change the fact that also during the Dzurinda government, there have been many frictions no longer directly associated with the activities of the government in Bratislava, but rather with the burden of the past. Another aspect was Viktor Orban’s former government in Hungary and the position of the extreme nationalist political parties.

8

Sustainable recovery? Deciphering Hungary’s residential property market before the pandemic

80%

Dötsch J., Ginter T.

Critical Housing Analysis

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2022

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vol. 9

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issue 1

16-28

EN

This paper develops some analytical perspectives for a proper assessment of the dynamics observed on the Hungarian residential property market over the last decade. These dynamics are examined in comparison to official policy objectives. On the one hand, sustainable development and social balance were particularly urgent issues after the last financial crisis. On the other, the residential property market was officially instrumentalised to achieve them. We examined real estate market processes using data from the Hungarian Central Statistical Office and found a change in investment motives and in the main groups of actors dominant in the market, and we also examined the role of foreign investment. At the aggregate national level, the past decade looks like a process of recovery. Nonetheless, the factors relevant for the observable dynamics do not seem to correspond to the goals also formulated in the new constitution, but rather document the investment fever of certain groups.

9

Journalistic role performance – the Hungarian case

80%

Szabó G., Kormos N., Zagyi V.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2016

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issue 2

53-72

EN

The article introduces the results of an empirical examination of journalistic role performance in Hungary. In reference to the “Journalistic Role Performance Around the Globe” research project (led by Prof. Claudia Mellado from Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, in Chile and Lea Hellmueller, from Texas States University, www.journalisticperformance.org), we attempt to discuss the main patterns of role performance in contemporary journalism in Hungary. The presence of six models in news production (watchdog, disseminator interventionist, civic, loyalfacilitator, service journalism, and infotainment) is investigated by conducting a quantitative content analysis of 1,087 news items published by the national desk of four Hungarian broadsheets in 2012–2013.

10

Existenční krize a sanace Záložního úvěrního ústavu v Hradci Králové v letech první světové války

80%

Jindra Z.

Hospodářské dějiny (Economic History)

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2010

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vol. 25

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issue 1

41-62

DE

Die Königgrätzer „Kredit-Vorschuss-Anstalt“ (KVA) ist berühmt als die älteste nationaltschechische Aktienbank (gegr. 1868). Nachdem sie in den ersten vier Jahrzehnten als eine lokale Kleinbank alle Wirtschaftskrisen überstanden hat, wuchs sie seit 1906 in eine mittelgrosse Bank mit Aktienkapital von 15 Mill. K, die betreffs ihrer Bankoperationen und Filialen schnell vom böhmischen Nordosten in andere Regionen Böhmens, ja sogar bis Galizien mit übergrossen Ambitionen expandierte. Einige Zeichen der Krise waren bereits im letzten Vorkriegsjahr bemerkbar, aber man hat sie eher den äusseren Umständen am Geld- und Handelsmarkt zugeschrieben. Aber 26. 7. 1914 gerieten die Finanzen der Bank in offene Insolvenz, so dass sie ihre Schalter schliessen musste. Sowohl für das tschechische Bankwesen als auch für die Wiener Regierung war das äusserst unangenehme Lage. Weder Živnostenská banka (Gewerbebank), führendes tschechisches Bankinstitut, war nicht im Stande der KVA entscheidend zu helfen, ebensowenig das allgemeine Moratorium der Regierung vom 31. 7. Auf Drängen der Prager Statthalterei und der führenden tschechichen Politiker musste die Regierung zuletzt (17. 9.) spezielle Institution der „Geschäftsaufsicht“ einführen, die in KVA 7. 10. in Gestalt eines Kollegiums von vier Vertretern der böhmischen Banken unter Vorsitz von JUDr. Max Záveský (Landesbank für Böhmen) zustande kam. Nach Untersuchung der Akten und Rechnungen der KVA stellte diese Zwangsverwaltung fest, dass bereits die Bankbilanz zum 31. 12. 1913 bei weitem nicht der Wahrheit entsprach, dass die Anstalt statt Gewinn mit Verlust arbeitete, unter dem Nostro-Konto Tausende unverkäufliche Eigenaktien verwaltete und vielen bei ihr verschuldeten Unternehmen leichtsinnig weitere Kredite gewährte. Der I. Sanierungsplan der Geschäftsaufsicht (14. 12. 1914) war für Finanzministerium aus mehreren Gründen nicht akzeptabel, er war in vielem unvollständig, man sollte weiterhin nach neuen Ausgleichsordnung (10. 12. 1914) vorgehen. II. Sanierungsplan (28. 4. 1915) basierte schon auf detailierten Angaben. Die Gesamtverluste der Bank wurden auf 22,8 Mill. K festgesetzt, einschliesslich der unverkäuflichen Nostro-Aktien sogar auf 29,4 Mill. K. Inzwischen wurde auch die schlechte Geschäftslage der vielen mit KVA eng liierten Firmen bestätigt: 31 Firmen standen unter der Geschäftsaufsicht, 4 Firmen endeten im Konkurs. Aus diesen Gründen war der Sanierungsplan modifiziert und anders konstruiert: (1) Grössten direkten Abschreibungen bzw. Übertragungen in sg. Verlustreserve wurden bei den Kontokorrent-Schuldner der Textil-, Bau-, Leder-, Maschinen- und holzverarbeitenden Branche vorgenommen; (2) zur Verlustdeckung wurde der ganze Reservefonds benutzt und das Aktienkapital radikal reduziert; (3) die Gläubiger der Bank sollten zukünftig in halbjährigen Teilzahlungen befrie-digt, aber gleichzeitig verpflichtet die neuen Aktien der KVA übernehmen und dadurch die Erhöhung des Aktienkapitals von 600 000 K auf 4,2 Mill. K ermöglichen; (4) der Staat sollte der Bank auf 6 Jahre ein 6 Mill-Darlehen gewähren.

11

Intellectual and Political Ideology in the Middle of the 17th Century: Comenius and the Propaganda od Zrínyi in England

80%

Nagy L.

Acta Comeniana (International review of Comenius studies and early modern intellectual history)

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2004

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vol. 18

91-116

DE

Die Umstände des Aufenthalts von Comenius in Ungarn sind in der internationalen Fachliteratur ziemlich bekannt; alle wichtigeren Comenius-Monographien (z. B. J. Kvačala, M. Blekastad, J. Kumpera, F. Karšai, G. Geréb usw.) widmen ihm ein selbständiges Kapitel. Nichtsdestoweniger hat Katalin S. Németh im Jahre 1997 behauptet, dass di ausländischen Forscher so gut wie keine Aufmerksamkeit den politischen Ideen des sich in Ungarn aufhaltenden Comenius und des ihn mehrmals besuchenden Mikuláš Drabík geschenkt hätten. Laut Katalin S. Németh ist dessen Grund in erster Linie darin zu suchen, dass die ausländischen Forscher die Ergebnisse der ungarischen Fachliteratur wegen der Sprachberriere nicht nutzbar machen könnten. Ein typisches Beispiel ist das 1992 in Wien gehaltene tschechisch-österreichische Comenius-Kolloquium (Jan Amos Comenius und die Politik seiner Zeit, Hrsg. Karlheinz Mack, Wien – München): keine von den im Sammelband beinhalteten Studien nimmt auf ungarische Verfasser Bezug, obwohl sich die Beiträge auch spezifisch mit Ungarn befassten. An dieser eigentümlichen Situation sind natürlich auch die ungarischen Forcher schuldig, da sie – abgesehen von einem Sammelband von 1973 (Comenius and Hungary, ed. by Éva Földes – István Mészáros, Budapest) – die Ergebnisse ihrer Forschungen fast ausschließlich auf Ungarisch veröffentlich haben. Unter Berücksichtigung der neuesten Forschungsergebnisse erweist der Autor, dass Ungarn und Siebenbürgen in den politischen Ideen von Comenius gar keine marginale Rolle spielten. Gleichzeitig unterstreicht er auch, dass die Konzeptionen der unmittelbaren politischen Teilnehmer und die von Comenius nicht immer übereinstimmten. Comenius und sein ganz Europa umspannender Kreis entwickelten eine eigenartige intellektuelle Ideologie, die des Autors Meinung nach von den professionellen Politikern nicht so ernst genommen wurde, wie es manche früheren Forschungen andeuten. Comenius wollte z. B. den Fürsten von Siebenbürgen, Georg II. Rákoczi dazu bereden, mit Hilfe der Türken und des westungarischen Hochadels (zunächst des kroatischen Bans Miklós Zrínyi) die ungarische Krone zu erlangen, aber weder der Fürst noch Zrínyi waren mit diesem Plan einverstanden. Comenius hat Ungarn auch nach seinem Aufbruch von Sárospatak nicht vergessen: in Amsterdam wurde er von zahlreichen ungarischen fahrenden Schülern aufgesucht (Péter Körmendi, János Nadányi, Mihály Tofeus usw.). Außerdem weist der Autor nach, dass Comenius auch in der Veröffentlichung der Biographie von Miklós Zrínyi im Jahre 1663 in London eine Rolle spielte. Daneben hat der Autor auch hervorgehoben, dass diese intellektuelle Ideologie – eine eigenartige Konzeption von Mitteleuropa, Habsburgerfeindlichkeit, Puritanismus und Türkenfreundlichkeit – kein dominierendes Element der zeitgenössischen politischen Strömungen war, sondern die zusammenhaltende Kraft einer Gruppe, die sich eben dadurch von anderen Komponenten der Gesellschaft abgrenzte. Diese Ideologie, die von einem politischen Gesichtspunkt aus betrachtet unter den damaligen Machtverhältnissen praktisch irreal war, hat versacht, dass – trotz der gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Unterschiede – solche Mitglieder zur gleichen Zeit zur Gruppe gehörten, wie Comenius und Drabík, der nicht einmal Latein konnte (um nur diese zwei extremen Beispiele zu nennen). Die Ideologie hat also die Gruppe homogenisiert, die aus diesem ideologischen Kapital natürlicherweise auch politisches Kapital schlagen wollte, um dadurch wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Vorteile zu gewinnen. In diesem Übergangsprozesess benötigten sie die Persönlichkeit und Tätigkeit von Zrínyi, der die Möglichkeit hatte, sich einer – zwar sehr indirekt wirkenden – holländisch-englischen Propagandabewegung anzuschließen, und dadurch sein Wort hören zu lassen.

12

HATE CRIME ELIMINATION INSTRUMENTS IN HUNGARY

80%

Vyrostko M.

Central European Papers

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2021

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vol. 9

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issue 2

81-90

EN

Extremism is an undesirable anti-social phenomenon, belief or behavior that most societies naturally try to eliminate, or at least mitigate its negative effects. The horrors of the Second World War significantly contributed to the understanding of the seriousness of the radicalization of society, which can lead to the targeted murder of groups of the population on the basis of nationality, race, religious beliefs, or sexual orientation, etc. The aim of the article is to evaluate the relevance of legal measures against extremism and to point out the current problem areas of the fight against extremism in Hungary on the basis of a brief analysis of the Hungarian Criminal Code and the currently identified number of hate speech and hate acts in Hungary. In the parts of the article we refer to the comparison with the Criminal Code no. 300/2005 as amended (Criminal Code of the Slovak Republic). To meet the goal of the article, we use mainly qualitative scientific methods of deduction, induction, analysis, synthesis and comparison.

13

INTANGIBLE INVESTMENTS AT MULTINATIONAL COMPANIES’ MANUFACTURING SUBSIDIARIES: DO THEY PROMOTE INNOVATION-BASED UPGRADING?

80%

Szalavetz A.

Equilibrium. Quarterly Journal of Economics and Economic Policy

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2017

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vol. 12

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issue 1

63-80

EN

Research background: Despite a widely acknowledged importance of intangible capital as the main driver of value creation, papers discussing corporate intangible investments tend to focus only on multinational companies, i.e. on headquarters (HQ). There are few papers scrutinising the specific attributes of intangible investments at manufacturing subsidiary level. This is, however, an important topic to investigate, since intangible investments can boost subsidiary upgrading. Intangible investments contribute to subsidiaries’ acquiring capabilities that allow them to enhance the scope of their responsibilities and specialise in increasingly high-value activities. Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the features of intangible investment at MNCs’ manufacturing subsidiaries, on the example of Hungary. Research questions addressed are as follows. a) What exactly do local manufacturing subsidiaries invest in, when they implement intangible investments? b) Is there a difference between the role of intangible investments at MNC level and at manufacturing subsidiary level? c) What is the association between subsidiary-level intangible investments and upgrading? Methodology: We analyse a sample of 44 manufacturing subsidiaries in the Hungarian automotive and electronics industries. We carry out a qualitative content analysis of sample companies’ notes to their financial statements, complemented with other sources of corporate information. Findings: We find that intangible investments are aligned with subsidiaries’ functional specialisation: with operations. Their main role is to contribute to subsidiaries’ absorption of the headquarters’ technology transfer and enhance the productivity of the local core activities. This is sharply different from their traditional, MNC-level role: support to non-price competitiveness. We find support for the argument that subsidiary-level intangible investments and subsidiary upgrading are associated in a self-reinforcing virtuous circle.

14

From the green movement to a party. The Effect of the crisis and democratic movements in Hungary

80%

Glied V.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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issue 2(28)

31-61

EN

General political, economic and moral crises began in Hungary in 2006, after the prime minister’s speech about the real state of the Hungarian economy was delivered. Fidesz, the then largest opposition party refused any further cooperation with the government and started to attack the governing socialist‑liberal coalition. After four years of permanent campaign against the socialists, Fidesz won the elections in 2010 and started to rearrange the whole political and social system in Hungary. Parallel to that, the appearance of social movements in Hungary can clearly be understood as a reply to crisis phenomena, whether they are left‑leaning organisations, green‑ecological, critical of globalisation (“globcrit”) or far‑right, fascistoid groups and networks. One part of the green‑ecologial movement was formed into a party and was named as Politics Can Be Different (LMP), but after 2010 other organizations appeared such as Szolidaritás, an organisation established with reference to the Polish example, with a trade union background, Milla (One Million for Press Freedom), 4K (Movement for the Fourth Republic) and HaHa (Students’ Network), the Hungarian Two‑tailed Dog Party (MKKP) and the Hungarian Pirate Party.

15

Das Bild des Fürsten Imre Thökölys und Ungarns in der deutschsprachigen Literatur am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts

80%

Lénárt O.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2013

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vol. 3

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issue 1

13-33

EN

Hungary as a topic has been present in the German-speaking literature, although the 17th century represented a turning point of the perception of Hungary. At this time the war was a constant part in the everyday life of the society: firstly the Thirty Year’s War (1618–1648), secondly the English Civil War (1640–1688) and last but not least the great Turkish War in Hungary (1683–1699). So the domestic problems of these countries were discussed intensively in the international press. The home affairs of Hungary were a main topic in the German-speaking journals: in the portfolio of the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel approximately 1,500 titles can be found, which high-lighted Hungary, the Hungarian circumstances as the great Turkish War, Magnates’ Conspiracy or the Thököly-betray. Eberhard Werner Happel’s Der Ungarische Kriegs-Roman, which has 6 parts, is – due to its genre and length – a very special article in the HAB’s collection. Eberhard Werner Happel (1647–1690) was one of the most productive and hardworking author of the later baroque era, who was neglected in the German literature in the following decades and century. The following paper would like to introduce what kind of Hungaryimage Happel could create. The main question of this presentation is: how does Happel display the Thököly-betrayal? The international publicity was scandalized at this step and Thököly’s disloyal behavior was put forward. The intensive presence of these topics impressed Happel, who worked from secondary sources. So Thököly and his policy appear with a great focus in Happel’s novel and Hungary-image.

16

Between shrinking and blooming: the crossroad of small towns’ urbanisation in Hungary

80%

Pirisi G., Trócsányi A., Makkai B.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia Geographica

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2015

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vol. 8 Small Towns’ Development Problems

12-28

EN

The authors present an overview about small towns’ urbanisation in Hungary. Following the specific aspects and factors of their urbanisation in the last centuries, the authors conclude that 20 years after the political and economic transition, small towns arrived at a crossroads in their development. Suffering the effects of demographic change and an outflow of young adults, almost every typical, traditional small town has been shrinking since at least the last decade. This crisis is more intensive than the overall decrease of the population number in Hungary. Only atypical small towns have been able to increase their population. Behind the crisis of typical small towns, the paper defines some possible factors, including the delayed effects of transition, the re-evaluation of small towns in the globalising, network-based economy and the actual reduction of the state’s spatial functions and presence. Although some niche-based strategies are open for success, for the majority of small towns the question still remains open: what new functions and attributes could make them attractive and successful in the 21st century?

17

Investigating commercial and convenience services installed in intermodal passenger terminals located in mid-sized European cities

80%

Bodnár B.

Prace Komisji Geografii Przemysłu Polskiego Towarzystwa Geograficznego

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2021

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vol. 35

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issue 4

33-49

EN

The concept of intermodality has gained key importance in the sustainable mobility strategy of the European Union. In the past two decades, different types of intermodal passenger terminals (IPTs) have been built in many European cities. These facilities provide possibility for passengers to change transportation mode or route in a short time and connect long-distance transportation services with public transportation modes under one roof. IPTs, however, are more than just hubs in the transportation network, but, due to their size and special location in the city, they are landmarks of cities. In addition, IPTs host not only transportation services but also different types of commercial and convenience services used both by passengers and local people. This study focuses on classifying IPTs based on their hierarchical position in the transportation network and determining which type is the most generally located in European mid-sized cities. Then, an investigation is carried out to map those commercial and convenience services that are the most installed in such IPT types. Finally, three European IPTs located in mid-sized cities and one in a large city are analysed to reveal the similarities and differences in the commercial and convenience services they host. This study found that such commercial and convenience services are most suitable for installation in IPTs that are related to transportation services, do not require a substantial amount of space, and do not block or obstruct the movement of people. Furthermore, as a component of the comprehensive planning documentation, a preliminary commercial feasibility study should be produced for each IPT.

18

Online higher education during the pandemic: The case of Hungary

80%

Dunajeva J.

Przegląd Krytyczny

|

2022

|

vol. 4

|

issue 2

11-30

EN

The coronavirus pandemic has profoundly affected Hungarian higher education (HEI). As campuses around the globe were forced to shut down, online distance learning became an everyday reality for all students. At the same time, faculty were rushed to adjust their teaching content and methods, as well as forms of assessment, to online teaching. As a result, this transition exposed flaws in technological abilities, digital preparedness and flexibilities within universities. In this work, my goal is to analyze how the Hungarian HEIs adopted online educational practices during the pandemic and how they were able to address some of the difficulties while adjusting their teaching and creating new forms of support for both students and faculty. To that end, the article first discusses the prevalence of distance and digital learning before the pandemic, then evaluates the steps and challenges of transition to remote online education during the pandemic, and finally highlights some lessons learnt and best practices of some Hungarian universities.

19

Declining Innovation Performance of the Hungarian Economy: Special Focus on Organizational Innovation. The Example of the European CommunityInnovation Survey (CIS)

80%

Makó C., Illéssy M., Csizmadia P.

Journal of Entrepreneurship, Management and Innovation

|

2012

|

vol. 8

|

issue 1

116-137

EN

In this paper the authors intend to examine the innovation performance of the Hungarian firms before and following the period of the global financial crisis and economic downturn. Contrary to the mainstream approach non-technological innovation, more precisely workplace innovation is put into the focus of the analysis. The authors argue that this is a neglected dimension of firms’ innovation activities which may become an important source of competitiveness at company level and thus it deserves more attention. The analysis of empirical data of the various waves of the European Community Innovation Survey (CIS) on non-technological innovation shows that the innovation performance of the Hungarian firms is declining. The authors complement this statistical analysis with the results of the European Working Conditions Survey demonstrating that there are significant differences in the innovation performance of such country groups as the EU-27, the Nordic and the Post-Socialist countries. Beside the country-specific comparison, the authors evaluate the performance of the Hungarian and Slovakian knowledge-intensive business service sector identified as a driver playing a “benchmark” role in speeding up workplace innovations. Finally, some key lessons are drawn indicating the need for a map on the distribution of different work organization forms in order to better understand the companies’ innovation activity and skill requirements.

20

The major stages in the development of a regional centre. The case of Pécs (Hungary)

80%

Horeczki R.

Prace Komisji Geografii Przemysłu Polskiego Towarzystwa Geograficznego

|

2022

|

vol. 36

|

issue 3

30-42

EN

The aim of the study is to provide an overview of the main milestones in the development of a regional centre in Hungary. Pécs is a centre of a depressed region. The Transdanubian region is among the 20 most disadvantaged regions of the European Union which shows a significant decline compared to previous years. This justifies the need for professional research directed at changing this situation by performing some tangible efforts. Pécs is a 2,000-years old city, acquiring various historical and mutually reinforcing central functions, by virtue of which it has developed into a regional centre. Of the historical drivers of the development of Pécs, the study is able to identify three groups of factors 1) centrality within its region, the regional functions it has fulfilled throughout its history, 2) culture and multiculturalism, and 3) industrial development. This study will analyse the relation of the cultural centre position and the other function of Pécs. The study is the first descriptive result of a research project1 that reviews the development and governance characteristics of a typical case of peripheral regions. Ongoing empirical analysis will allow the development of a development policy concept.

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