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EN
The paper examines individualised society and the status of parents and children within it. In the individualised society each individual is defined as a 'person' of his/her own and not as a member of a social group or a community. Modern concept of people focuses on originality of each person. Contemporary society requires well socialised people to be able to respect the other individual persons. However, there is not total independency and people are dependent on each other. To be individual person, people need relationships with the others, especially with the significant others. If some of these close relationships has lower status, particularly relationship with children, it can decrease status of individuals in the society and cause severe problems for them. Hence they can hardly fulfill the multiple role the modern individualised society requires. (http://www.genderonline.cz/view.php?cisloclanku=2005120401)
EN
The fundamental question the author of the study focuses on is related to the problem of individualisation as a vital mechanism of control in terms of the construct of the collectivistically based society. In the totalitarian society, the control as an instrument of power is based on the radical reduction of the “movement of existence”, that leads towards the construct of “useful man” and introduces him mainly in his social function. In this context, the study analyses and takes notice of the related discursive instruments and genres (poetics of control), while making use of Michel Foucault’s concept of disciplinary writing as a methodological instrument.
EN
Sociological theories that work with the concept of individualisation assume, among other things, the occurrence of changes in the life course and especially in the timing and incidence of demographic transitions. Although it is not easy to establish a firm definition of individualisation, most researchers studying demographic phenomena work with the concepts of differentiation and de-standardisation. If we understand individualisation as a structural fact and leave aside its subjective component (individualised identity is not necessary linked to structural changes), it must initially emerge on the aggregate level in the form of the differentiation of life courses or the different timing of transitions. For example, individuals begin to marry and have children at different ages. It then becomes apparent at the individual level in the form of the de-standardisation of the life course, thus not just as a change in timing, but also as a change in the order and realisation of individual transitions. For example, the birth of a child does not necessarily occur after marriage. So it is not just shifts in timing that are of interest – these have already been sufficiently studied in Czech demography – but also and above all the comparative distributions of these demographic phenomena. In this article the analysis works with two life transitions – marriage and first-order births – and using time series from 1920 to 2004 the authors examine the dispersion in timing of these transitions over a large segment of the 20th century. Using more detailed data from the post-1989 transformation period, in addition to dispersion the authors also examine changes in the intervals between marriages and births and education as a factor in the observed phenomena. As a key indicator of life-course differentiation they use the dispersion in marriage timing and its trend over the 20th century, and as an indicator of the de-standardisation of life courses in the 1990s they use the interval between marriage and first-order births.
EN
The article deals solely with the representation of a personality in an artwork. In order to avoid excessively sophisticated concepts of personality, the discourse is focused on the notion of the image of an individual in the portrait in concord with its common definition. The so-called likeness could not be a useful criterion for identification because in almost all cases, it is impossible to compare the sitter and his/her image; the category of fictional portraits cancels the problem of likeness altogether. The perception of an individual, the process of identification in a portrait is rather subjective and depends on the amount of information about the depicted person and the artist. The level of abstraction in Niklavs Strunke’s ‘Self-Portrait with a Doll’ (1921) is so high that only those who know his photos and biography can identify this extravagant personality in the schematic image. Another example in this respect is the cubistic ‘Portrait of Karlis Straubergs’ (1920) by Oto Skulme. The subjective construction of an individual within the given image is also problematic because individual features are almost always dialectically combined with idealisation, social representation, the artist’s expression, and autonomous formal devices. Sometimes it is difficult to differentiate ‘organic’ self-idealisation of the sitter from idealised features implemented by the artist (the case of Janis Rozentals’ ‘Portrait of Charlotte von Lieven’, 1899). The same can be said about the representative portraits of provincial farmers produced by the ‘naïve’ 19th century painter Carl Seebode. A quite different example of idealisation is Valija Jansevska’s ‘Portrait of Milkmaid M. Lazdina’ (1950) where the optimistic poster-like image was in accord with the dogma of Socialist Realism. The influence of the pictorial space on the possible reading of a portrait can be discussed by analysing Jazeps Grosvalds’ ‘Portrait of the Artists Tone, Ubans and Drevins’ (1915). Half-figures are placed close together around a small table, and, therefore, the composition can be interpreted as a sign of mental intimacy between the young painters from the ‘Green Flower’ group.
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