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1
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Book review: Bimal N. Patel, Aruna K. Malik and William Nunes (eds.), Indian Ocean and Maritime Security: Competition, Cooperation and Treat, Routledge, London and new York: 2017

100%
Kałduński M.
Polish Yearbook of International Law
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2017
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vol. 37
308-311
EN
Review of a book: Bimal N. Patel, Aruna K. Malik and William Nunes (eds.), Indian Ocean and Maritime Security: Competition, Cooperation and Treat, Routledge, London and new York: 2017
2
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Rules for Maldi vian Trading Ships Tra velling Abroad (1925) and a Sojourn in Southern Ceylon

100%
Romero‑Frias X.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2016
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issue 40
67-84
EN
‘Rules for Maldivian Trading Ships,’ the translated document that forms the first part of the paper is a twelve‑page manual published by the Royal House on the rules that were to be followed by Maldivian oceangoing ships while on their yearly trading trip to “the continent” (kara). Kara referred primarily to the island of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), the foreign place that Maldivian traders found most convenient to reach. This trade originated in most major islands of the archipelago in the past, including Minicoy (Maliku), but was vital for the communities living in the atolls located at the southern end of the chain. The second part of the paper includes the translation of a personal account by an old Maldivian trader about his experiences in and around Gali (Galle, Sri Lanka), the description of conditions in the harbour and an inland town in Ceylon, as well as the friendships he established there with local people.
3
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Trade and 'treasure': the role of Suakin in the movement of valuables (15th–19th centuries)

86%
Smith L., Taha S., Philips J., Mallinson M.
Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean
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2020
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vol. 29(1)
EN
This paper focuses historical and archaeological evidence for the ‘valuables’ passing through Suakin, as part of the Red Sea-Indian Ocean trade. The main locations on Suakin Island Town investigated 2002-2013 are briefly described. Interviews show that at Suakin, in the later 19th century/early 20th century, imported valuables included fabrics from Europe, perfume oils, cloths and wooden chests from India; porcelain from China and Turkey; rugs from Persia/Iran and glass from Italy. Interviews and early modern European accounts indicate the range of products from the hinterland, such as cotton, gold, ivory, ostrich feathers, slaves, horses, gum arabic, ebony, musk, tobacco, rubber and coffee. Local fishermen supplied fish, shells, pearls and mother-of-pearl. The archaeological evidence indicates pottery and porcelain from the Arabian Peninsula, south-west Asia, south Asia, China and south-east Asia, while identifications of wood samples indicates teak from south and south-east Asia. A combination of archaeological, historical and ethnographic evidence is needed to build up a picture of the trade in valuables.
4
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Indian and Australian Maritime Security Doctrines in the Indian Ocean Region in the 21st Century. Christian Bueger’s Matrix of Maritime Security Approach

86%
Łukaszuk T.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2020
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issue 4 (49)
105-127
EN
The article’s purpose is the multidimensional analysis of the evolution of Australia and India’s maritime policies and their impact on the endeavors to develop their maritime cooperation in the 21st century. Two research questions are to be answered in that connection: what changes and why India and Australia introduced to enhance their maritime security doctrines in the 21st century and why those changes contributed to the more in-depth cooperation in the second decade of the 21st century. The hypothesis based on those questions argues that not only the rise of China but also global processes in maritime affairs - such as the growing number of state and non-state actors, as well as the interdependence between the fields of human activities at sea - pushed the littorals like India and Australia to turn their maritime strength from coastal to oceanic and convinced them too to cooperate. That process was accompanied by the convergence of the security perceptions by both countries (India and Australia) and the mutual understanding of common interests in all the elements of modern maritime security. The Christian Bueger’s matrix serves as an explanatory framework to highlight the dynamics and broader context of the changes in India and Australia’s maritime security doctrines in the 21st century. It provides the conceptual framework for explaining closer cooperation between these two countries. The article analyzes India and Australia’s maritime strategies, focusing on four variables from Bueger’s matrix: national security, economic development, marine environment, and human security. In those dependent variables, particular elements of their activities serving as sub-variables are highlighted: in national security - shaping the seapower; in economic development - Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing; in the marine environment - climate change mitigation; in human security - the fight against piracy and human trafficking. The choice of the mentioned elements is justified by their role in Australia and India’s activities within maritime strategies and their influence on other elements of the maritime security matrix. The article starts with a description of Bueger’s matrix in the context of the evolution of the maritime security concept in international relations. The second part outlines the centrality of the Indian Ocean in Indian and Australian modern military and economic security. The third part explores and explains the roots of Indian maritime security thinking, and the fourth investigates the evolution in Australia’s attitude toward maritime affairs. The final part presents the developments in Indo-Australian bilateral cooperation in the 21st century.
5
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Precursory Study on South Asian Security and Geopolitics

86%
Ramachandra B.
Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia
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2018
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issue 31
82-96
XX
Security issues in South Asia could be the key to world peace. Understanding the particular dynamics of security creation and its provision in the region has therefore become extremely important. That said, there are major hurdles to a proper comprehension of the underlying complexities. Most of the home-grown security studies and analyses are sponsored or directly provided by the security establishment, focusing mainly on the tactical capacities of the military apparatus. The outside academic community, mainly the Singapore-Australia-USA triangle, tend to concentrate on the global perspectives with predominance given to the India-China aspect of the security configuration. For these reasons, vital and insightful concepts are missing for the proper and realistic understanding of the security policies and configuration of South Asia. The purpose of this essay will be to introduce some of these analytical concepts and give a deeper understanding of the issues at work, in short to provide a historic background to the conflict and security configuration of South Asia
6
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W kierunku ponadregionalnego mocarstwa. Zagraniczne instalacje wojskowe Marynarki Wojennej Republiki Indii

72%
kubiak k.
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego
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2018
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vol. 12
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issue 2
90-103
EN
During the Cold War period, having military bases abroad the sign of the superpower state or pretending them to the role of regional power. Military installations abroad were, on the one hand, a lens in which the most important trends in world politics focused, on the other hand, the reflective mirror which belies or falsifies international forecasts. In the nineties of the previous century, a wave of euphoria triggered by the victory of the West in the rivalry with the communist bloc roused and took the form of the “end of history” delusion. This state meant a global peace, built on the foundations of a free market in the economic area and liberal democracies in the second one. When so-defined “paradise” seemed to be just one step discarded as superfluous and anachronistic the large part of the Cold War steward, including attachment to the idea of having military installation in different places around the globe, or power projection. India has not committed this mistake. The country is successively expanding its network of military installations abroad. The leading service in this matter is the navy. This article discusses Indian bases and offshore locations. The author concentrated on their origin and current meaning, signaling their impact on the regional balance of forces.
PL
W okresie zimnej wojny posiadanie baz wojskowych poza granicami było jednym z oznak mocarstwowości państwa, bądź też pretendowania przez nie do roli przynajmniej regionalnej potęgi. Instalacje wojskowe na granicą były z jednej strony soczewką, w której koncentrowały się najważniejsze trendy światowej polityki z drugiej zaś niezwykle dokładnie odbijającym je zwierciadłem, w na swój sposób także fenomenem uwiarygadniającym bądź falsyfikującym międzynarodowe prognozy. W latach dziewięćdziesiątych poprzedniego wieku, na fali euforii wywołanej zwycięstwem Zachodu w rywalizacji z blokiem komunistycznym wzniosła się, wykreowana przez zdolnego publicystę strojącego się w szaty proroka geopolityki, ułuda „końca historii”. Stan ów oznaczać miał stan globalnego pokoju, zbudowanego na fundamencie wolnego rynku w płaszczyźnie ekonomicznej i liberalnej demokracji modelu euroatlantyckiego w sferze politycznej. Gdy tak zdefiniowany „raj” zdawał się znajdować zaledwie o krok odrzucono, jako zbyteczną, anachroniczną i obciążającą, dużą część zimnowojennego szafarzu, w tym przywiązanie do idei posiadania w różnych miejscach globu punktów militarnego zaczepienia tudzież projekcji siły. Błędu tego nie popełniły Indie. Państwo to sukcesywnie rozbudowuje sieć swoich instalacji wojskowych poza granicami. Służbą wiodącą w tej materii jest marynarka wojenna. W artykule omówiono indyjskie bazy i placówki morskie poza granicami. Autor skoncentrował się na ich genezie i bieżącym znaczeniu, sygnalizując jednocześnie ich wpływ na regionalną równowagę sił.
7
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Revisiting Mackinder’s Heartland Theory: Identifying The Emergence of a Complex Power Competiton in the Indian Ocean Region

71%
Bakare N., Toor M. R.
Przegląd Strategiczny
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2019
|
issue 12
43-58
PL
Zjawisko konkurencji między wielkimi mocarstwami nie jest w polityce międzynarodowej niczym nowym. Konkurencja zawsze napędzała powstawanie i upadki imperiów i państw. W XIX–XX wieku Imperium Brytyjskie zapewniło sobie światową dominację i utrzymało niekwestionowaną supremację globalną. Aby zapewnić dalszą globalną dominację Wielkiej Brytanii, w 1904 roku Sir Halford Mackinder zadziwił świat swoją teorią „heartlandu”, która pozostaje jedną z najczęściej dyskutowanych teorii geopolitycznych. Zdając sobie sprawę z głębokiej krytyki, jakiej przez kilka dziesięcioleci poddawano teorię Mackindera, artykuł wykorzystuje ją jednak w kontekście współczesnego międzynarodowego środowiska politycznego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem wydarzeń w rejonie Oceanu Indyjskiego, Zatoki Perskiej i Morza Arabskiego. Dlatego też analiza koncentruje się tutaj na możliwościach zastosowania teorii i implikacjach wynikających z racjonalizacji geograficznej Mackindera w formułowaniu polityki zagranicznej wokół tego, co artykuł uważa za współcześnie kluczowy obszar (pivot area) – Ocean Indyjski. Teoretyczna interpretacja tezy Mackindera dowodzi, że Ocean Indyjski i sąsiednie korytarze morskie i cieśniny są „kluczowymi obszarami”, których siła stymuluje konkurencję między potęgami regionalnymi i światowymi. Nowe „obszary kluczowe” są niezwykle bogate w zasoby naturalne i stanowią główne szlaki energetyczne, od których zależą gospodarki globalne. Artykuł kończy konkluzja, że w nowym regionie kluczowym wykluwa się kompleksowa konkurencja energetyczna (complex power competition (CPC)).
EN
Competition amongst great powers is not new in international politics. It has traditionally been the driving force for the creation and collapse of empires and states. In the 19th–20th centuries, the British Empire established its dominion in the world over and maintained an uncontested global supremacy. To secure Britain’s global dominance, in 1904, Sir Halford Mackinder dazed the world with his heartland theory. Ever since then, the theory remains one of the most discussed geopolitical theories. The article does not pretend or oblivious of the heaps of criticism Mackinder’s theory has received over several decades, it nonetheless, employs the theory in the context of the contemporary international political environment, with particular reference to the happenings around the Indian Ocean, Persian Gulf, and Arabian Sea. So therefore, the point of analysis here centres around the applicability of the theory and the implications posed by Mackinderian geographical rationalisation in formulating foreign policy around what the article considers as the contemporary pivot area – the Indian Ocean. Through the theoretical understanding of Mackinder’s thesis, the article argues that the Indian Ocean and its adjoining seas corridors and Straits are ‘pivot areas’ potential enough to generate competition amongst regional and global powers. The new ‘pivot areas’ is enormously endowed with natural resources and is the major energy highway(s), upon which global economies are dependent. The article concludes by arguing that a complex power competition (CPC) is brewing along the neo-pivot region.
8
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Projekcja siły Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej na Oceanie Indyjskim

58%
Gacek Ł.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
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2016
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issue 3
127-141
PL
Strategicznym imperatywem rosnącej aktywności Chin w regionie Oceanu Indyjskiego jest potrzeba ochrony interesów narodowych, związanych głównie z bezpieczeństwem ekonomicznym (zdobywaniem nowych możliwości biznesowych) oraz bezpieczeństwem energetycznym (zabezpieczeniem morskich szlaków transportowych). Utrwalenie obecności/pozycji Chin na wodach Oceanu Indyjskiego będzie sprzyjać zarówno przejmowaniu przez nie większej odpowiedzialności za sprawy bezpieczeństwa w regionie, jak i realizacji przedsięwzięć w ramach inicjatywy Morskiego Jedwabnego Szlaku XXI wieku.
EN
China’s strategic imperative in the Indian Ocean region reflects its need for protection of national interests, mainly in the field of economic security (expanding business opportunities abroad) and energy security (sea lines of communication security). Long-term presence of China in the Indian Ocean region will not only increase its responsibility for security issues across the region but is also associated with the implementation of projects under the initiative of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt.
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