Search results

1

The prospect of Intermarium integration in the light of consumption risk sharing

100%

Beck K., Shtunderenko J.

Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance

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2019

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issue 3(49)

20-34

EN

Objectives: After the collapse of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the idea of joining a prosperous bloc, which would provide financial assistance, seemed an opportunity not to be missed. However, with the possibility of the funding drying up, and the initial feeling of euphoria fading, the alignment of CEE and Western Europe on values was put to a test. This gave way to discussions about alternatives to the EU. One of them is Intermarium. This paper examines the potential benefits Intermarium countries could attain in terms of consumption risk sharing. Aims: The research takes an alternative approach to economic integration, concentrating on economic stability. In particular, it makes an empirical analysis of consumption risk sharing in Intermarium, as well as drawing a comparison with the EU and the euro zone core. Research Design & Methods: The paper uses method of risk sharing assessment proposed by Kose et al. (2009) extended by the authors to accommodate panel data setting. Findings: As the empirical results illustrate, the past integration between the old EU and its new member states weakened the Intermarium mechanisms of consumption insurance, especially in comparison to the euro zone countries. Implications / Recommendations: The potential benefits of Intermarium fall short of the EU alternative. Contribution / Value added: The paper presents the results of the first examination of the extension of risk sharing in Intermarium countries.

2

Inicjatywa Trójmorza z perspektywy niemieckiej

100%

Dahl M.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

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vol. 2

59-72

EN

The acquisition in 2015 of power in Poland by national-conservative party Law and Justice led to a change in priorities of Polish foreign policy. The Intermarium initiative understood as a closer cooperation of the eastern European Union states between the Baltic Sea, the Adriatic Sea and the Black Sea became a new instrument of Polish foreign policy. For historical reasons, the initiative of the Intermarium is associated with a similar concept, pushed through Poland in the 1920s, which was focused to create an alliance of Central European countries aimed at more effective protection against Russian expansion and German hegemony. In this context, the article aims to find the answer, how the Polish Intermarium initiative is a subject of public debate in Germany and how it affects foreign policy pursued by Germany.

3

Koncepcje geopolityczne obozu narodowego w latach II wojny światowej

100%

Grott B.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

173-191

PL

The Second World War and the anticipated victory over the Third Reich, together with the significant weakening of the USSR, became in Poland the reason for developing various new geopolitical concepts and plans for reshaping Poland’s previous borders. The menace of a new aggression from both of Poland’s powerful neighbours in the process to rebuild their previous positions of power brought forward the idea of a federation of middle-Eastern Europe countries (the so-called „Intermarium”) and a future creation of a sufficient barrier against possible aggressors. In Poland these issues were broadly discussed by the nationalistic fractions such as the National Party, the Confederation of the Nation, the Szaniec Group and the „Fatherland” Organisation. The latter two were especially productive in this area. There was a general agreement in the nationalist movement regarding the necessity to move Poland’s borders to the lower Oder and the Lusatian Neisse. Some concepts reached even further, planning the creation of a Lusatian Coutry or indeed the reslavisation of Mecklenburg. Especially active in this regard was Professor Karol Stojanowski, the leader of the People’s National Military Organisation and the author of brochures propagating ideas such as „The West Slavic Country” and „The Reslavisation of Eastern Germany”. A very interesting concept of the „Great Nation” was presented by an endecian ideologist Adam Doboszyński in a brochure of the same title, in which Doboszyński propagated not only the federation of the „Intermarium” countries, but also predicted a gradual merging of these nations into a single „Great Nation” and even the eventual development of a common language.

4

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. II)

100%

Siemiątkowski J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2017

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vol. 3

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issue 4

103-123

EN

The aim of the article is to discuss the attitude of Polish republican circles to the issue of cooperation between countries in EastCentral Europe. The articles published in the “Rzeczy Wspólne” and “Nowa Konfederacja” magazines, which were published in 2010-2017, have been analyzed. The ideas of region integration have deep roots in Polish political thought. Their origins can be seen in the tradition of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the concepts of Marshal Piłsudski. The ineffectiveness of the activities of the politicians of the Third Polish Republic in this field became the reason for criticism in republican articles. An important role in the analyzed visions was played by countries located outside the EU - Belarus and Ukraine, for geopolitical reasons considered as desirable allies. The slogan of deepening the integration of the Visegrad Group and strengthening the Eastern Partnership initiative was also popular. However, this cooperation was to take place between fully sovereign states.

5

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. I)

100%

Siemiątkowski J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2017

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vol. 3

|

issue 3

29-53

EN

The aim of the article is to discuss the attitude of Polish republican circles to the issue of cooperation between countries in EastCentral Europe. The articles published in the “Rzeczy Wspólne” and “Nowa Konfederacja” magazines, which were published in 2010-2017, have been analyzed. The ideas of region integration have deep roots in Polish political thought. Their origins can be seen in the tradition of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the concepts of Marshal Piłsudski. The ineffectiveness of the activities of the politicians of the Third Polish Republic in this field became the reason for criticism in republican articles. An important role in the analyzed visions was played by countries located outside the EU - Belarus and Ukraine, for geopolitical reasons considered as desirable allies. The slogan of deepening the integration of the Visegrad Group and strengthening the Eastern Partnership initiative was also popular. However, this cooperation was to take place between fully sovereign states.

6

Kwestia pograniczy w regionie Międzymorza (notatki wstępne)

88%

Szaruga L.

Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia

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2015

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vol. 3: Elity w krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej po roku 1989

57 - 63

EN

The article discusses the issue of moving borders of the area of Intermarium (Polish: Międzymorze) comprising the states located within the area demarcated by the Adriatic Sea, the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea, from Greece to Finland. An essential fact is that the communities of the countries between Russia and Western Europe, deprived of political independence in the 19th and 20th centuries and conforming to the treaties of the world powers, did not have an influence on forming their own territories. The text also emphasizes the specificity of historical experience of the countries of the mentioned region which were under pressure of both Nazi and Bolshevik forms of totalitarianism in the 20th century.

7

CONCEPTION OF INTERMARIUM IN POLISH FOREIGN POLICY IN XXI CENTURY

88%

Tomaszewska N., Starzyk A.

Torun International Studies

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2017

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issue 10

15-28

EN

Poland interests and her policy are strongly determined by her geopolitical conditions. More than 40 years of people democracy under USSR domination brings in whole region civilization and economic backwardness. After 1989 Poland attempts to “catch up” the Old Europe. Initiative of Three Seas is one of such attempt. Increasing relations with central and southern Europe especially in case of diversification of raw materials – like gas – can bring to region an independence from Russian supplies. Three Seas goes back to conception of Intermarium, and redefine her on amended conditions of modern world. In this article the Authors will present short history of conception Intermarium, main assumptions of polish foreign policy and will try to answer the question is this conception is still present in polish foreign policy, even if in changed form of Three Seas.

8

Prometeizm i koncepcja Międzymorza w praktyce polityczno-prawnej oraz dyplomacji II RP

75%

Cieplucha P.

Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne

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2014

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vol. XCIII (93)

39-55

EN

The Author demonstrates the influence of prometheism and the political, legal and institutional conception of Intermarium and the diplomacy of the interwar Poland as a necessary provision of the security against the aggression of the former invaders. In the first place author presents the definitions of prometheism and Intermarium. He describes the impact of the most important, political and legal ideas in Poland before World War II. To do so the Author presents a dispute between the National Democracy, the political group of Marshal Józef Piłsudski and the environment of the youth conservatives. Representatives of national thought postulated the creation of a unified state in terms of ethnic. They were sceptical about building the Central and East European block. In turn, Pilsudski’s environment and youth conservatives proposed the creation of a strong alliance between states of Central and East Europe. In the same time they supported the independence movements in the Soviet Union. Author also points out an example of the “Grabski Education Act” and the activities of the Eastern Institute in Warsaw. In this context, he analyses the impact of prometheism and the conception of Intermarium on the legal and institutional life of the Second Polish Republic. In the last part of the article he presents the polish diplomatic efforts in the first years after Poland regained independence. These diplomatic attempts were aimed to create a coalition of countries in Central and East Europe. The main purpose of this coalition was to defend the common interests of the new states against the Russian and German threat.

9

Europa Środkowa jako obszar projektowania geopolitycznego

75%

Świder K.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

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vol. 2

11-32

EN

The problem of the geopolitical constructing of Central Europe appeared at the end of the 18th century. It was connected with several circumstances: the liquidation of the First Polish Republic as the largest Central European state; displacing Turkish influence from the Balkans; the modern nation-building processes and national movements of dominated nations that were initiated at this time and in this region. Attempts to geopolitical regulate the status of Central Europe because of the political dependability of this area were taken by external centers. It was element of the game between the global powers. The first striving in this direction can be seen in the Napoleonic era – in the policy of the French Emperor, Napoleon Bonaparte; then in Russian and later German and British projects. Then – already in the 20th century – such projects tried to undertake the elite of the reborn Poland, an eagerly seeking allies with which it could create a strong geopolitical alternative for Germany and Russia. Such project or perhaps more idea was the pre-war concept of Intermarium, and now it is the Three Seas Initiative. This article will provide an overview of all these conceptions.

10

Possibility of Implementing the Concept of the Intermarium in the Context of Militant Democracy in Poland During and After the Coronavirus Pandemic

75%

Rezmer-Płotka K.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2020

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issue 3 (49)

96-110

EN

Intermarium is one of the most important Polish geopolitical concepts. This article considers it within the category of militant democracy. It allows to explore the process of militant democracy, that is, introducing restrictions by legal means. Most restrictions have recently been introduced due to a coronavirus pandemic. Therefore, the article undertakes to examine the potential for implementation of the concept of the Intermarium during the pandemic and shortly after its end. The study uses a qualitative analysis of sources. Indicators relevant to the study of the process of militant democracy were distinguished based on the body of literature. Results: The traditional concept of the Intermarium erodes due to natural causes. Currently, Poland is more inclined to the concept of the Three Seas. In addition, in the face of the analysis that was carried out, it seems that in a pandemic situation we are observing the end of the paradigm of liberal democracy in this case.

11

Geopolityka środkowoeuropejskiej solidarności. Polacy i Węgrzy między historią, stereotypem a uwarunkowaniami przestrzenno-politycznymi

71%

Adamczyk A.

International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

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2021

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vol. 27

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issue 1

195-214

EN

The Polish-Hungarian relationship remains something extraordinary on a European scale. Although the consciousness of the societies of both nations is dominated by a positive perception of mutual relations, it was not a constant phenomenon in history. It was most intense when both countries resisted the domination of the Germanic element. Hungary was the first to lose its independence, succumbing to the Eastern factor. Also Poland shared the fate of Hungary, succumbing to pressure from both the east and the west. Historical experience of both countries showed the necessity to cooperate against threats coming from both directions. However, the conditions after 1886 were not conducive to the implementation of this assumption, although in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries Poles and Hungarians had geopolitical visions defining the scale of possible transformations in Central Europe. The change came after the end of World War II. Regardless of the naturally existing discrepancies in the perception of one’s surroundings, in the 21st century it is difficult to indicate any Polish geopolitical concept that does not take into account the regional role of Hungary, or the Hungarian one that ignores the Republic of Poland.

PL

Stosunki polsko-węgierskie pozostają czymś niezwykłym na skalę europejską. Choć w świadomości społeczeństw obu narodów dominuje pozytywne postrzeganie wzajemnych relacji, nie było to zjawisko stale występujące w historii. Najintensywniej zachodziło, gdy oba kraje opierały się dominacji pierwiastka germańskiego. Węgry jako pierwsze utraciły niepodległość, ulegając naciskom ze Wschodu. Również Polska podzieliła los Węgier, ulegając presji zarówno ze Wschodu, jak i Zachodu. Doświadczenia historyczne obu krajów pokazały konieczność współdziałania wobec zagrożeń płynących z obu kierunków. Warunki po 1886 roku nie sprzyjały realizacji tego założenia, choć w XIX i XX wieku Polacy i Węgrzy snuli wizje geopolityczne określające skalę możliwych przemian w Europie Środkowej. Zmiana nastąpiła po zakończeniu II wojny światowej. Niezależnie od naturalnie występujących rozbieżności w postrzeganiu własnego otoczenia, w XXI wieku trudno wskazać polską koncepcję geopolityczną, która nie uwzględnia regionalnej roli Węgier, czy też węgierską, ignorującą Rzeczpospolitą Polską.

12

International Political and Security Potential of Ukraine within the Baltic-Black Sea Region and Ukraine’s Participation in Regional Military-Political Cooperation and Integration Processes

63%

Panchuk R.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2020

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vol. 1(25)

136-152

EN

The article presents the Baltic-Black Sea region in the military-political dimension, as well as explores the potential benefits of this cooperation for European security. The study offers some important insights into the historical preconditions for the formation of the Union according to the Baltic-Black Sea Arc. This paper attempts to show the importance of international political and security potential of Ukraine and its influence on the formation of the Baltic-Black Sea Union. The Baltic-Black Sea Union is seen as an effective counterweight to Russia’s expansion into the West, whereby Ukraine could serve as a guarantor of European stability. The article analyzes opinions of international experts on the implementation of the Baltic-Black Sea Union, as well as compares the military power of potential members of the union with the military forces of advanced countries. This study provides an important opportunity to advance the understanding of the benefits for Union members and European countries and how the United States can help implement the idea of project. The analysis emphasizes the functions of the Baltic-Black Sea Union, potential NATO assistance and how the Union will ensure the stability of its forces in Europe. It is summarized why the countries of the Baltic-Black Sea arc can act as a guarantor of protection against Russian aggression.

13

Tożsamość Międzymorza – Zachód

63%

Wirpsza A.

Przegląd Środkowo-Wschodni

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2018

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vol. 3

179-216

PL

Prezentowany tekst jest wprowadzeniem do rozprawy o formowaniu się Międzymorza, którego kraje w XIX oraz XX wieku pozbawione były bytu politycznego i suwerenności. Stało się to przyczyną uformowania specyfi cznej tożsamości w napięciu między demokracją Zachodu i samodzierżawiem Rosji. Społeczności Międzymorza nie brały zatem udziału w kształtowaniu struktur nowożytnych państw narodowych w XIX stuleciu. Tekst wprowadza w problematykę włączania krajów Międzymorza w zachodni system polityczny po przemianach 1989 roku.

EN

The presented text is an introduction to the study of the formation of the Intermarium, which in the 19th and 20th centuries included countries that lacked political existence or had limited sovereinty. This fact has now conditioned the identity of these peoples in the space between Western democracy and Russian autocracy. The peoples of the Intermarium were under the dominance of other countries, so they did not participate in the formation of modern nation-states in the 19th century. The text is an attempt to outline the formation of the political system of Western Europe (Latin), which constituted the starting point for the countries of the Intermarium in creating their own political systems (after 1989).

14

Polityka handlowa rządów sanacji wobec koncepcji Międzymorza

63%

Kuryk D.

Przegląd Prawno-Ekonomiczny

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2022

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issue 2

97-116

EN

Until today, the years 1919-1939, i.e. the interwar period, is sometimes presented as the time of the clash of two outstanding personalities - Jozef Pilsudski and Roman Dmowski. Only the former was able to take over the full political power in the country, and thus - an almost unlimited possibility of implementing his own political vision, including into this impact on Poland's position on the geopolitical chessboard. After gaining power in May 1926, he had a chance to implement his concept of the Intermarium, i.e. an informal alliance of states in the Baltic-Adriatic-Black Sea area. This idea was not put into practice and the trade policy pursued by the authorities of the Second Commonwealth of Poland was a significant reason for it. This policy was completely unsuited to the needs of integration with the states of the three seas. It was clearly protectionist in nature and thus export-oriented, which was most evident during the crisis of the 1930s.

PL

Do dziś lata 1919-1939, czyli okres dwudziestolecia międzywojennego, są przedstawiane jako czas starcia dwóch wybitnych osobowości – Józefa Piłsudskiego i Romana Dmowskiego. Tylko pierwszemu z nich dane było przejąć pełnię władzy politycznej w kraju, a co za tym idzie – prawie nieograniczoną możliwość realizowania własnych wizji politycznych, w tym tych dotyczących położenia Polski na szachownicy geopolitycznej. Po zdobyciu władzy w maju 1926 r. pojawiła się przed nim szansa urzeczywistnienia wysuwanej przez siebie koncepcji Międzymorza, czyli nieformalnego sojuszu państw obszaru bałtycko-adriatycko-czarnomorskiego. Idea ta nie została wcielona w życie i wydatnym tego powodem była prowadzona przez władze II Rzeczypospolitej polityka handlowa. Była ona kompletnie nienastawiona na potrzeby integracji z państwami rejonu trzech mórz. Miała ona wyraźnie protekcjonistyczny charakter, a tym samym proeksportowe nastawienie, co było najlepiej widoczne w czasie kryzysu lat trzydziestych.

15

Ukraińska lekcja 2014. Czy możliwy jest powrót do koncepcji „Międzymorza”?

63%

Girzyński Z.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

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2015

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vol. 1(8)

28-41

EN

To 1654 Ukrainians were creating one country with Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but at the same time they were feeling as a second class citizens. For this reason in XVII century with the help of neighbouring Tsardom of Russia they’ve started the uprising and detached themselves from Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth without creating new country. Instead according to the council of Pereyaslav from 1654 they choosed to be under rule of the Tsardom of Russia. After the mentioned council Republic of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth become weakend to the benefit of Tsardom of Russia. From this moment on Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth have been in decline to the point when in XVIII century they lost their independance. After the First World War when Poland regained freedom under Józef Piłsudski an attempt was made to create an Alliance of independent countries lead by Poland as reaction to the Russian imperialism. The alliance called “Intermarium” included: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Belaruse as well as Finland and Romania. To make the idea succesful Ukraine needed to be created but the idea failed to succeed. Instead independent Ukraine was created after the dissolution of Soviet Union even so Ukraine was still under immense influence of Russia. In 2014 Russia annexed during the war with Ukraine part of it – Autonomous Republic of Crimea. Till then Russia is trying to detach eastern provinces Ukraine. It is obvious that diplomatic relations between Russia and Ukraine became frozen. For this reason Poland and Ukraine may have opportunity to ally with other countries from region to stand against russian imperialism.

RU

До 1654 года укранцы создавали совместно с поляками и литовцами общее государство. Украинцы однако чувствовали себя в нем гражданами второй категории, в связи с этим в XVII веке привели к восстанию, и благодаря поддержке России, оторвались от Польши. Украинцы не создали всетаки собственного государства, а в результате решения переяславской рады, принятого в 1654 г. украинцы перешли в подданство Русского царя. Россия, которая занимала до этого более слабую позицию, чем Польша, таким образом стала сильнейшим игроком, в то время как Польша теряла свое положение и под конец XVIII века утратила независимость. После I мировой войны, Юзеф Пилсудский управляюший вновь независимой Польшей, хотел привести к созданию союза независимых государств под руководством Польши для защиты от империализма России. В состав этого союза под названием «Междуморья» входили бы Литва, Латвия, Эстония, Беларусь, Украина, Польша, Румыния и Финляндия. Для осуществления этого проекта необходимо было создание независимой Украины. Этого в то время сделать не удалось. После распада Советского Союза появилась независимая Украина, но она оставалась под влиянием России. В 2014 году Россия аннексировала Крым, который до этого являлся частью Украины. Россия с того времени ведет также войну с Украиной, чтобы оторвать от нее восточные провинции. Дружеские российско-украинские отношения таким образом были прерваны. Появился шанс для того, чтобы Россия и Украина договорились между собой и совместно с другими странами региона создали союз государств «междуморья», чтобы совместно сопротивляться российскому империализму.

16

Ukraina w polityce zagranicznej Polski w dobie drugiego rządu zjednoczonej prawicy pod egidą Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (2015-2018)

51%

Mróz M.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

|

2019

|

vol. 11(47)

|

issue 1

23-36

PL

Dotychczasowy model relacji polsko-ukraińskich dobiega końca, a nowy znajduje się w fazie in statu nascendi. Zasadnicza sprzeczność podstawowych interesów Kijowa i Warszawy spro-wadza się do tego, że podczas gdy Ukraina szuka sposobów na integrację i potrzebuje silnej Europy oraz ipso facto wzmocnienia wspólnoty europejskiej, Polska pod rządami koalicji skupionej wokół PiS kroczy coraz śmielej w stronę eurosceptycyzmu i podważania spójności Unii Europejskiej, chociaż wahadło europejskiej polityki po wyborach w Austrii, Holandii, a zwłaszcza we Francji w 2017 r. ponownie wychyla się w stronę centrum. Dzisiejsza Polska, odwracając się plecami od europejskiego twardego jądra, a zatem od Niemiec i Francji, przestaje być także atrakcyjnym partnerem dla Ukrainy, która z kolei widząc słabnącą pozycję Polski, zacieśnia związki z Berlinem.

EN

The current model of Polish-Ukrainian relations is drawing to an end, while the new one is in the statu nascendi stage. The fundamental contradiction between the basic interests of Kiev and Warsaw consists in the fact that while Ukraine is seeking ways of integrating with the EU and needs a strong Europe as well as ipso facto strengthening the European community, Poland under the rule of the PiS-led coalition is heading towards Euro-skepticism and undermining cohesion of the European Union, even though after elections in Austria, the Netherlands and France in 2017 in particular, pendulum of the European policy is leaning towards the centre again. The present-day Poland, by turning its back on the European hard core, i.e. Germany and France, ceases to be an attractive partner for Ukraine, which in its turn is strengthening ties with Berlin due to Poland’s faltering position.

17

“Przestrzenie sporne” – Joseph Partsch i Eugeniusz Romer o geografii Europy

51%

Potulski J.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2021

|

vol. 37

38-57

EN

Politics, as a human social activity, is strongly embedded in space. Contemporary researchers very often take up in their analyses the issue of competition for space and the role played by "geographical knowledge" in the processes of "production" and appropriation of space in the name of particular interests of a given community or state. It is one of the key research problems that have contributed to the revival of interest in the issues of political competition for space, the appropriation of places and the shaping of their landscape and symbolic representation. Categories such as Mitteleuropa, or the Intermarium, are socio-political (metageographical) constructs that have been used in the construction of a particular vision of the world and in processes of political competition for dominance.

PL

Polityka, jako działalność społeczna człowieka, jest silnie osadzona w przestrzeni. Współcześni badacze bardzo często podejmują w swoich analizach zagadnienie rywalizacji o przestrzeń i roli jaką pełni „wiedza geograficzna” w procesach „produkowania” i zawłaszczania przestrzeni w imię partykularnych interesów danej zbiorowości. Jest to jeden z kluczowych problemów badawczych, który przyczynił się do odrodzenia zainteresowania zagadnieniami politycznej rywalizacji o przestrzeń, o zawłaszczanie miejsc i kształtowanie ich krajobrazu oraz ich symbolicznej reprezentacji. Kategorie takie jak Mitteleuropa, czy też Międzymorze są konstruktami społeczno-politycznymi, które były wykorzystywane w budowaniu partykularnej wizji świata oraz w procesach politycznej rywalizacji o dominację.

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The prospect of Intermarium integration in the light of consumption risk sharing

Inicjatywa Trójmorza z perspektywy niemieckiej

Koncepcje geopolityczne obozu narodowego w latach II wojny światowej

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. II)

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. I)

Kwestia pograniczy w regionie Międzymorza (notatki wstępne)

CONCEPTION OF INTERMARIUM IN POLISH FOREIGN POLICY IN XXI CENTURY

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