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EN
Generally idea of united Europe has to guarantee peace and stabilization on it territory. At what there is dispute in aspect of stated of this territory. It notices itself, that borders of Europe wasn’t definite; it treats this particularly it concerns eastern border, which was movable. Trying to show borders of Europe usually it calls itself three conceptions. First from cancellation oneself to empire of Charles Great. Ruler that created monarchy in conditions of threat expansion of Arabs. That notion came into being European also, which fighting knights with Arabias invasions on Pyrenean Peninsula were defined. Heirs of Great Charles, Ottons, divided own territory on four large regions: Italy, Germany, Gaul and Sclavinia. Eastern border came to river Elbe: with run of years Otton’s territory included Hungary, Czech Republic, Poland. Second conception was built on so-called eastern schisms from 16th July of 1054 year. Christian world divided (orthodox) and western (roman catholic onto eastern order, called also catholic). Line of division ran resource from Adriatic to Danube, existing in XX century called state Yugoslavia; on Balkans they be shaped then Slavic communities; Serbians as well as Bulgarians tied with Orthodox Church, Slovenians and Croats with Catholicism. Alongside with Christianization civilization border shifted beyond Danube reaching for Arctic borders of continent. In Catholic circle there were Hungarians, western Slavs (Czechs, Slovaks, poles), Balts, Estonians and Finns; meanwhile in circle of order orthodox church found themselves Romanians and eastern Slavs (Ukrainians, Byelorussian).2 Russian diplomatist Wasilij Tatiszew on beginning XVIII age advanced third conception, recognizing mountains and river Ural for eastern border of Europe; he showed, that one should Russia to Europe.
EN
The aim of his article is to present and interpret the second great debate in Anglo- -Saxon discipline of International Relations. The controversy was about the methods proper for inquiry into the international reality. The two sides of the debate were practitioners of historical and interpretative approach, the traditionalists or classics, and on the other side behavioralists who argued for more strict and formal scientific approach. Beginning with the genesis of the debate and the conditions that added up to its ignition, author then presents the positions of particular scholars in chronological order. The two stages of the debate are identified: the first in which the initial positions were presented and formulated, and second which took the form of fierce polemics. After the presentation of particular, and in the opinion of the author most important positions, the II debate is summed up in the context of some broader methodological, epistemological concerns. The author argues that the omission of the philosophical issues present in the II debate resulted in its inconclusiveness, and that its main controversy reappears form time to time, in different guises, being one of the causes of new debates in Anglo -Saxon International Relations.
EN
Political achievements conduct in the result of secret services activity
EN
With the advent of the pandemic and the outbreak of individuality in inter-state politics, semiconductors, products that have become widely used by high-tech companies, have led to an increase in worldwide demand. But growing nationalism has led nations not to cooperate on the successful joint and equitable growth of these innovative technologies. This research analyses through a PEST analysis the political, economic, social and technological consequence of these choices for the largest semiconductor company, TSMC. The results show how, to date, the international chessboard poses four choices facing TSMC’s future, each based on how nations will approach future collaborative choices.
EN
The “facts” of international politics constitute the first-order representations of political life and can be reflected in popular entertainment as second-order or fictional representations. This article demonstrates that discourses of popular culture are powerful and implicated in International Relations (IR) studies. The article makes two correlated claims: the first is that the humanist and anthropological methodology often used to analyse pop culture could also be used to analyse international issues, if appropriately contextualized; the second claim is that a nation can manifest its ‘discourse’ in international politics via its popular culture, as soft power.
EN
In contemporary Europe, there can be noted the overlapping and rivalry of the two signifi cant tendencies, which are becoming stronger and stronger. On one hand, one can notice multilevel processes of integration and conditions connected with them and that are concerned with democracy, tolerance, globalization, etc. On the other hand, one can observe disintegrative factors of various kind, which refer to actions and postures connected with chauvinism, xenophobia, neo- fascism and separatism. In the second view, especially in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), various aspects connected with nationalism seem to be of great significance. This is clearly reflected by the events which took place in, for example, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo or Macedonia.
EN
The Warsaw Uprising of August to October 1944 is a most appropriate subject given the impending 60th anniversary observance of this heroic and tragic occurrence. Our panel affords us with the opportunity to discuss and to reflect on this event, which in many ways embodies so much of the larger story of modern Poland. Our discussion occurs also at a time when we recall many other events of 1944, a climactic year in World War II. June 6 marks the 60th anniversary of the successful and massive Allied military invasion of France in Normandy. This victory was the decisive military achievement of the United States of America and its allies against Nazi Germany on the western front.
EN
The author shows the basic elements and tools for implementing security and defense policy of the European Union. She poses questions about the dependence of the Union’s policy and its impact on the conflict in Ukraine. The analysis of subsequent events enables to make conclusions and show irregularities. Two years after the bloody protests the analysis goes from hybrid war to creeping conflict.
EN
This article examines the role of Karimov regime and his opponents in influencing Turkish-Uzbekistani relations in the 1990s and its consequences for later developments. Following the description of the characteristics of Turkish-Uzbekistani relations, it will be discussed how far had the opposition leaders such as Abdürrahim Polat and Muhammad Salih an impact on the worsening of the bilateral ties between Turkey and Uzbekistan. This article then stresses Turkey’s attitude towards Uzbek opposition leaders which finally addresses the reasons for worsening of Turkish-Uzbekistani relations such as the bombings of Tashkent, Uzbek students in Turkey, Gülen Movement as well as the ideology of Pan-Turkism.
EN
Russian authorities have for years been proclaiming that in order to ensure energy security and to increase their economic presence in North-East Asia their priority is to diversify gas export and to increase cooperation with the Asia-Pacific region. Despite frequent meetings at interstate and business levels, and numerous formal – but no binding – agreements, no tangible progress in this regard has yet been made. This paper argues, from a game-theoretic perspective, that peril for Russian geopolitical and economic interests ensuing from both inception of EU energy policy and evolution of the European gas market has been one of the factors hindering Russian plans of eastbound gas export diversification.
EN
The actions indicated above and taken by the United Nations and the European Union (in spite of their different international law status) argue that objectives attributed to international organisations are not only postulates, but a basis for actions taken specifically, both in the legal and actual dimension. Therefore, the main research objective adopted for this study was to bring them closer, with particular emphasis on the UN and the EU joint actions for international security. Due to the complexity and multifaceted nature of the discussed subject matter of these considerations, they will be confined to the T-306/01 Ahmed Ali Yusuf and Al Barakaat International Foundation case recognized by the EU Court of First Instance. In there, as in a lens, interrelationships between the international organisations in questions are concentrated; and not only in terms of international cooperation, but, more importantly, in terms of the principle of the primacy of the United Nations law over other legal regimes.
EN
Questions asked above are in fact questions about theoretical identity, explanative efficiency and scope of researches in the international relations science, undertaken attempts of answering them decide on particular complexity of the subject of researches, controversies around subjective scope of researches and research methods. Starting from the first serious, inter-paradigmatic debate at the turn of nineteen fiftiies and sixties, conducted by representatives of the realistic trend and new behavioural approach to the last debate from nineteen eighties and nineties, there has been lasting discussion on ontological and epistemological problems of the international relations science. However, it does not discourage researchers from continuing careful and considerable reflection on the condition of discipline and its place in the Pantheon of Science, and for sure it does not discourage them from deepening theoretical discourse on explanative efficiency of various theoretical approaches and their methodological correctness in the process of getting to know, as well as explaining world complexity at the turn of the 20th and 21st century and new gauntlets thrown down by the 21st century.
EN
The Nordic Council is the official body for formal inter-parliamentary co-operation among the Nordic countries, i.e., Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland. It is deeply rooted in politics, economics and culture. It focuses on areas where a Nordic approach generates added value for the countries and nations of the region and affects the community of multiple countries around the world. The aim of the article is to analyze inter-parliamentary cooperation between Nordic countries and the Nordic Council influence’s on Nordic society. The author uses comparative methods to answer the question of how the Nordic Council proposals influence the Nordic societies and the rest of the world. In the article a constructivist approach is applied, which allows finding dependences between ideas or norms and the social identity in the Nordic region.
EN
The first part of the study reviews the debates about Hungary’s “Europeanness” and her place in Europe. It discusses Hungarian self-perceptions about history, socio-cultural character, and on whether the country is Central-European, East-European or South-East European. The second part summarizes the relationship between Hungary and the Balkans from 1918 until the Eastern enlargement of the EU, by focusing on aspects most important from the Hungarian perspective. These are the Hungarian-Yugoslavian (after 1991 Hungarian-Serbian), the Hungarian-Romanian relations and the question of minorities. Finally concludes by pointing to the present challenges in bilateral relations and underlines the perspectives opened by the euro-atlantic integration of the region.
EN
For almost one hundred and fifty years the Habsburg Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire were struggling for control in Hungary. After the unsuccessful second Siege of Vienna in 1683 the situation seemed to be convenient for the reconquest of Turkish Hungary. The alliance of the Holy League against the Sultan was created in the spring of 1684 in which the Emperor, the Pope, Poland and Venice were involved. The Habsburgs focused their interests towards the Kingdom of Hungary from now on. Until 1688, in a series of campaigns the Christian forces reconquered most of Hungary and in addition the Habsburgs achieved the title of the hereditary kings of St. Stephen’s Crown.
EN
After 10 years in action, the European Neighbourhood Policy is in shambles. The region of ENP, seen in 2004 as a future place of democratic transformation, appears to be in 2015/16 a hotbed of wars, ethnic – religious violence, terror and massive migration. Not a single factor contributed to ENP’s success – bad luck from the start! However, there were also internal clashes within the EU which madeENP less effective: – appeal to common values as a base of cooperation, was politically correct but hardly workable; – “conditionality” method revealed weaknesses while applied without a promise of membership; – process of ENP’s strategy planning was disturbed by transatlantic tensions over Iraq war, what had a negative impact on the quality of ENP’s strategic dimension. Russia counteracted openly, secretly and actively and continues to keep the political/military control over the region. ENP remains an essentialpillar of EU’s security but – definitely – time has come to reset the policy.
EN
R. Michael Feener's review of America's Encounters with Southeast Asia, 1800–1900: Before the Pivot by Farish A. Noor. 
EN
‘Central Asia’ is a unique and diverse region of the world that landmass distinct from other regions and sedentary civilisation is one of the characteristics. The geography of this region is considered a controversial discourse among scholars in international relations and, Europeans prefer to call them ‘Central Eurasia’, but Asian scholars frequently used the term ‘Central Asia’. However, the history of Asia was not stable and similar in the past. In this regard, this article tries to find the status of the Central Asia in international relations from a historical to empirical discussion in academia. Through the discourse analysis applied here to trace scholars, historians, institutions, governments, and sociologists’ perspective how they treat ‘Central Asia’, whether it is a deeply profound ‘region’ or precise existence. The initial argument says that Central Asia is more significant due to the geostrategic point of view and attracts superpowers in the ground of diplomacy play.
EN
Autor dedicated this study to the personality of Count Leopold Berchtold, who served as Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary in last years before the outbreak of First World War. Author presents Berchtolds diplomatic career, analyzes the circumstances of his nomination as Foreign Minister and primarily pays the attention to the Berchtolds role in the last years before First World War and especially during the July Crisis 1914.
EN
The prospect of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) terrorism poses a danger for contemporary societies. However, the incidents related to an application of weapons of mass destruction (that is, nuclear, chemical, biological and radiological weapons) by non-state actors are relatively rare. The aim of the paper is to present recent incidents and to estimate the threat from particular types of WMD. The author focuses both on the question of motivation to undertake these operations and on the problem of technological capabilities. To sum up, the risk of a massive WMD terrorist attack should be perceived as quite moderate due to the technological barrier, but selective attacks carry a greater potential risk because of their higher probability and significant psychological effect.
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