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EN
On June 23, 2011, in Milan, Italy, The Holocaust Art Looting and Restitution symposium was presented by Christie’s, auction house, and Art Law Commission of the Union Internationale des Avocats (UIA). This was a first, a conference focused on the Holocaust art restitution, to take place in Italy. The symposium convened leaders of the restitution community as well as government officials, scholars, and collectors
EN
This article presents the beginnings of vocational counselling for school-attending adolescents in Poland. Vocational counselling developed in Poland in the Interwar period as a sub-discipline of applied psychology. The Jewish minority largely contributed to the development of this movement with Lvov at centre of it. Jews established a vocational counselling and psycho-technical institutes, putting the emphasis on school-attending adolescents and apprentices in craft companies, as well as developing new tools for psycho-technical measurements. Zionism was one of the reasons for the development of Jewish vocational counselling for young people. Zionists believed that young Jews should acquire a profession that would allow Jewish settlement in Palestine. This article also presents Zofia Lipszyc, Adolf Berman, Lea Fejgin-Gartensteyg, Jakub Kessler and Józef Weinbaum, unknown Jewish psychologists and psychotechcians.
PL
It is only fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sources that help build an image of the functioning of the rabbinate in Jewish religious communities of medieval Poland. Latin Christian sources dating to the period mention individuals described as doctor scholae, senior scholae, or episcopus Iudaeorum (standing for the rabbi or the major senior). However, mentions referring to such persons usually only deal with their lending activities. Still, we can learn more about the rabbis active in Poznań in the middle of the fifteenth century thanks to the correspondence (responsa) of Israel Isserlein, Israel Bruna, and Moses Minz, all of whom were scholars active in the Empire.
EN
This study is devoted to the depiction of Jews, Jewishness and the stereotypes connected therewith in Latin humanist poetry (from approximately the first third of the 16th century to the beginning of the 17th century). An analysis of the texts of ‘occasional poetry’ confirmed the predominant antiJewish discourse which pervaded the intellectual circles to whom the authors of this poetry mostly belonged during the time of Renaissance humanism.
EN
I argue that in interwar Greece there was a small yet influential of anti-Semitic anticommunists, whose centre and main area of interest was Salonica. I attempt to demonstrate that their ideas were not a particular Greek phenomenon- rather these intellectuals and activists distanced themselves from traditional forms of Greek anti-Semitism. On the contrary, their appearance was part of a panEuropean phenomenon triggered by the October Revolution in Russia, and facilitated by the ensuing immigration of the defeated Whites. This ideology should be understood within the context of the Ottoman imperial collapse, the ensuing relocation of populations and the anxiety of Balkan nationstates to ensure their national frontiers
PL
Amidst all trends present nowadays, the latest and the most controversial appears to be the Jewish Reconstructionism, which has been conceived by Mordecai M. Kaplan. The starting point for Reconstructionist involves actual reconstruction of traditional Judaism, which takes place based on ideas taken from social and natural sciences. The performed analyses permit to state (but not to conclude decisively), that Jewish Reconstructionism is a specific Jewish theory, a way of living for a certain group of Jews, but it is not a Judaism. The Kaplan's system, which represents a result of an intentional reconstruction and revaluation of traditional Judaism, becomes in fact a deconstruction and a devaluation of Judaism.   
EN
Amidst all trends present nowadays, the latest and the most controversial appears to be the Jewish Reconstructionism, which has been conceived by Mordecai M. Kaplan. The starting point for Reconstructionist involves actual reconstruction of traditional Judaism, which takes place based on ideas taken from social and natural sciences. The performed analyses permit to state (but not to conclude decisively), that Jewish Reconstructionism is a specific Jewish theory, a way of living for a certain group of Jews, but it is not a Judaism. The Kaplan's system, which represents a result of an intentional reconstruction and revaluation of traditional Judaism, becomes in fact a deconstruction and a devaluation of Judaism. 
EN
Immediately after the end of the Second World War, Europe had to cope with a serious problem - the repatriation of displaced persons. Besides this, we may also track a flow of migration by Jewish refugees out of Poland. It was made up of Jews who had survived the holocaust, but because of the strong anti-Semitic atmosphere in Poland, and also because they were under the influence of Zionist ideas, they were fleeing to Palestine. Some of them took a route through Czechoslovakia. This migratory movement was already fairly strong in the first months after the war. Count František Schönborn, who at that time was serving in the Czechoslovak Army as a first lieutenant for repatriation, was well aware of the gravity of this problem. He therefore decided to inform the International Red Cross about it and suggested setting up a system of holding and transit camps on Czechoslovak territory for these refugees. The reproduced text of his letter at the end of this article shows how this member of the Czech aristocracy was aware of the gravity of the situation and managed to aptly describe it. In some regards it bears witness to the author’s foresight because a system of holding camps really was created in Czechoslovakia in 1946. Schönborn’s letter was also well received in Zionist circles.
EN
Homecoming. A case studyThe study concerns the homecoming story of a Jewish Holocaust survivor, Szlomo Himelfarb, who returned to his home town of Solec on the Vistula, and his murder by local policemen. It is based on the material of so-called sierpniówki [testimonies given in 1944–1946 before summary courts for the prosecution “of fascist crimes against the civilian population and traitors of the Polish Nation”]. In conclusion, the author points to other cases of murders committed immediately after the war in Iłża (Starachowice) County. Powrót. Studium przypadkuStudium dotyczy historii powrotu ocalałego z Zagłady Żyda – Szlomo Himelfarba – do jego rodzinnego miasteczka Solec nad Wisłą i jego zabójstwa przez miejscowych milicjantów. Oparty jest na analizie materiałów tzw. sierpniówek. W zakończeniu autor wskazuje również na inne przypadki mordów w powiecie iłżeckim tuż po wojnie.
PL
The article analyses the religious topography of Słuck (today, Sluck in Belarus). Słuck was an important hub of Orthodoxy and Protestantism in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; moreover, 38 percent of its population was Jewish. Detailed analysis of legal documents and urban inventories showed that there were areas within the town bounds which were reserved for the Christian communities active there. The spatial balance was upset in the former half of the eighteenth century, with Catholic orders brought into the town. The Jews were the only group that was legally barred from choosing a place to reside. The municipal authorities endeavoured to restrict the Jewish settlement to one street. Members of Jewish financial elite were the only ones to succeed in crossing the legal boundaries and settle down at the ‘Christian’ streets ofSłuck.
PL
This article discusses the question of neophytes’ return to Judaism, especially the case of Jan Filipowicz, who was condemned to death for this crime in 1728 in Lwów. The return of Jewish converts to their religion of origin was a relatively frequent occurrence in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but those charged with this crime, especially Jews from Lwów accused of persuading the neophytes to return, were not usually treated as harshly as Filipowicz. The exceptionally harsh sentence given to the rabbis responsible for the return of Filipowicz to Judaism resulted from the judges’ belief in the existence of a ritual of dechristianization, a special blasphemy against Christianity. The relationship of the courts and the Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to the problem of apostasy among converts from Judaism is addressed. The penitential practices described in the court documents are similar to those described by the inquisitor Bernard Gui in the fourteenth century and to the ritual of dechristianization described by Jan Serafinowicz, the most famous eighteenth century convert.
EN
This article is a source study based on information published in Echo Przemyskie – a periodical coming out in Przemyśl at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The literature on the subject, helpful in carrying out an analysis and comparing its results is based on studies by historians (both Polish and foreign) of different specializations, among others researchers of history of Jews, Przemyśl and the press. On the basis of the most frequent and typical descriptions the author attempts to reconstruct the image of a Jew depicted in the periodical in question during the first decade of its publication, often comparing his own conclusions with the results of analyses by other researchers. The structure of the article – after the initial part including the description of the newspaper in question and a brief outline of the reality of Przemyśl in the late 19th century – is based on the description of particular alleged characterological and physical features of Jewish people. In conclusion the author includes recapitulation based on an overall compilation of the previously described characteristics, which he attempts to depict against the background of mainstream Polish writing of that period.
XX
The article discusses the problem of given names of Jews who lived in Bydgoszcz between 1920 and 1939. The diaspora counted at most two thousand (about 1,5% of the total population) and, apart from Poznań, it was the largest concentration of Jews in the Poznań voivodeship. The data was extracted from a list of contribution payers of the Jewish religious community from 1939. The current paper continues the research started in my previous article (Jaracz 2007) (‘Last names of Bydgoszcz Jews in the context of the Polish anthroponymic system’).
EN
People perceive everything that is unknown from their point of view as foreign. This circumstance can also be observed with religions, world views and faith practices. Strangeness can generate curiosity, which expresses itself in interreligious dialogues, for example, but can also lead to reservations, which in the worst case can develop into hatred and discrimination. The perception of foreignness is based on a subjective perception. However, foreignness or alterity can also be constructed to serve possible manipulative purposes. An example of this with regard to people of other faiths is the so-called “Jewish excursus” within the “Historiae”, one of Tacitus’ main works, which is also the most detailed ethnographic report on Judaism by a Roman author. The article asks, firstly, with which perceptions the Roman historian looks at Judaism and how he structures them in terms of content and form, and secondly, which emphases he sets in the construction of Jewish ethnicity and how he shapes it with a view to alterity. As a basis for the analysis, the passages relevant to the perceptions are listed in Latin and German in the appendix and given consecutive numbers. It becomes clear that Tacitus directs his perceptions of Judaism, which from his perspective was of a different faith, to different areas, for example cult practice, faith, physique, portraying them for the most part in strongly misanthropic colours and thus constructing Jewish ethnicity as alterity. This digression was repeatedly used as “historical evidence” to polemicise against Jews until modern times. Tacitus’ motives, however, are not to be associated with anti-Semitism – as has often been done in the research literature – but are rooted, on the one hand, in the valorisation of an enemy of war in order to justify its unusually successful resistance against Roman troops, and, on the other hand, in the warning to the Roman against proselytism. By way of example, it becomes clear that forms of expression of subjective perception of people of other faiths inevitably construct alterity, which is fanned out into different perceptions.
EN
The beginnings of the 18th century marked the birth of Jewish sport. The most famous athletes of those days were boxers, such as I. Bitton, S. Eklias, B. Aaron, D. Mendoga. Popular sports of this minority group included athletics, fencing and swimming. One of the first sport organizations was the gymnastic society Judische Turnverein Bar Kocha (Berlin - 1896).Ping-pong as a new game in Europe developed at the turn of the 20th century. Sport and organizational activities in England were covered by two associations: the Ping Pong Association and the Table Tennis Association; they differed, for example, in the regulations used for the game. In 1902, Czeski Sport (a Czech Sport magazine) and Kurier Warszawski (Warsaw's Courier magazine) published first information about this game. In Czech Republic, Ping-pong became popular as early as the first stage of development of this sport worldwide, in 1900-1907. This was confirmed by the Ping-pong clubs and sport competitions. In Poland, the first Ping-pong sections were established in the period 1925-1930. Czechs made their debut in the world championships in London (1926). Poles played for the first time as late as in the 8th world championships in Paris (1933). Competition for individual titles of Czech champions was started in 1927 (Prague) and in 1933 in Poland (Lviv).In the 1930s, Czechs employed an instructor of Jewish descent from Hungary, Istvan Kelen (world champion in the 1929 mixed games, studied in Prague). He contributed to the medal-winning success of Stanislaw Kolar at the world championships. Jewish players who made history in world table tennis included Trute Kleinowa (Makkabi Brno) - world champion in 1935-1937, who survived imprisonment in the Auschwitz-Birkenau Nazi concentration camp, Alojzy Ehrlich (Hasmonea Lwów), the three-time world vice-champion (1936, 1937, 1939), also survivor of Auschwitz-Birkenau, and Ivan Andreadis (Sparta Praga), nine-time world champion, who was interned during World War II (camp in Kleinstein near Krapkowice).Table tennis was a sport discipline that was successfully played by female and male players of Jewish origins. They made powerful representations of Austria, Hungary, Romania and Czech Republic and provided the foundation of organizationally strong national federations.
EN
The article deals with cultural and educational life of Jews in Kyiv governorate in the 1869s – 1870s, primarily with the activities of Jewish public schools and private schools in the context of the Russian Empire’s national policy. The scientific novelty of this paper is due to the introduction into scientific circulation of documents of the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine (Kyiv). The author focuses on strengthening of state supervision over cultural and educational life of Jews in Kyiv governorate, creation of private educational institutions, Jewish communities’ educational activities, aimed at preserving and intergenerational transmission of Jewish culture’s religious traditions and values. After the suppression of Polish national liberation uprising (1863-1864) by force methods, the next stage of planting the Russian preponderance in the Western and South-Western provinces was the eradication of spiritual influences of "enemy elements", to which along with the Poles Jews were also classified. In the context of implementing the Russification ethno-national policy, state Jewish schools were established as a transitional link between the traditional system of Jews’ primary education and educational institutions of the Russian Empire. Of particular importance is the study of education’s influence on the preservation of Jewish communities’ mode of cultural life, on the one hand, and on their socio-psychological integration into the Christian society, on the other, and of the dynamics of Jewish youth’s educational level. The investigation of Jewish communities’ transformation, their communication with the social environments and state institutions is becoming relevant. In general, owing to the study of the ethno-cultural development of Jews in Central and Eastern Europe, it becomes possible to understand the relationship between the processes of assimilation and preservation of original cultural traditions.
EN
Białystok, which before 1939 was known as an important centre of Jewish life in Poland, in the years to follow – because of the war – stopped to be a Jewish hub. The majority of those citizens of Białystok who had survived the Holocaust, decided to abandon the ruined city which evoked bad memories. They were leaving the city gradually and, due to this process and the decisions of the communist authorities, the activities of Jewish institutions were languishing. After 1950 in the city there were fewer than 200 people who identified themselves as Jews and some of them still intended to leave the country. A department of the government-controlled Social-Cultural Association of Jews in Poland and (until 1954) a denominational congregation constituted the only still functioning Jewish institutions. The most important goal of the Jewish community was to organise celebrations commemorating subsequent anniversaries of the ghetto uprising in Białystok (1943). Limited cultural and self-helping activities were also conducted. The local Jewish community ceased to exist after 1968, when a considerable number of Polish Jews was forced to emigrate. Those who remained were mainly elderly people, who did not conduct any social activities. In the 1970s almost all of the still existing traces of Jewish presence in the city were obliterated. When, in the next decade, a wave of renewed interest in the Jewish culture came, not very numerous Poles were involved in Białystok.
PL
L wów przez trzy tygodnie (1–22 listopada 1918 r.) był miastem podzielonym. Ukraińcy, którzy próbowali go zająć, natknęli się na spontaniczny opór mieszkańców. Żydzi, któ- rzy po ludności polskiej stanowili drugą pod względem liczebności społeczność mia- sta, powołali własną milicję i ogłosili neutralność. Nie przestrzegali jej jednak, a mili- cja współpracowała czynnie z wojskiem ukraińskim. Po wyparciu Ukraińców przez obrońców Lwowa i ochotnicze oddziały przybyłe z Krakowa w mieście doszło do rozru- chów o podłożu bandyckim, których ofiarą padły 44 osoby (33 żydów i 11 chrześcijan), a 443 zostały ranne. To oficjalne dane ustalone przez Nadzwyczajną Rządową Komisję Śledczą pracującą pod prezydencją sędziego Zygmunta Rymowicza. Zamieszki trwały kilka dni (22–24 listopada 1918 r.). Polskie władze wojskowe zareagowały z opóźnie- niem, co sprzyjało ekscesom. Artykuł dowodzi, że w świetle narodowości (wyznania) ofiar rozruchy miały podłoże kryminalne i bandyckie.
EN
F or a period of three weeks (1–22 November 1918), Lviv was a divided city. In their attempt to conquer it, the Ukrainians faced spontaneous opposition from its residents. The Jews, who were the second largest group of residents after the Poles, formed their own militia and announced neutrality. However, they did not follow this announcement, and the militia actively cooperated with the Ukrainian army. After the Ukrainians had been forced by the defendants out of Lviv and voluntary units had arrived from Cracow, the city fell into criminal riots which cost the lives of 44 people (33 Jews and 11 Christians), and 443 people were wounded. The official data were established by the Extraordinary Government Investigation Committee chaired by Judge Zygmunt Rymowicz. The riots lasted several days (22–24 November 1918). The delayed reaction of the Polish military authorities exacerbated the disturbances. The author proves that in terms of the natio - nality (religion) of the victims, the riots were of a criminal nature.
EN
There are many factors that significantly influenced the Japanese attitude towards the Jews. Certainly, the most important are: more than 250 years of isolation and cultural dissimilarity, mainly in terms of religion. Within a short space of time, after Japan was forcefully opened to the outside world – with knowledge of art, literature, technological achievements and political and social changes – the Japanese learned about European opinions of the Jews, including the religious ones. However, it did not have an impact on the Japanese attitude towards the Jews. Political developments in the late 1800s and early 1900s created an image of the Jew as an influential person with a great ability in finance management. Japanese elites were convinced that loans granted by Jewish banks contributed to the victory over Western power – Tsarist Russia. Western politicians realised then that Japan has become an important player on Asian political scene. What influenced the Japanese attitude towards the Jews were accusations of inciting chaos in the world – for instance the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Japanese became more cautious, especially when it came to the basic premises of the so-called Fugu Plan but it did not change Japanese-Jewish relations. This attitude preserved even during the times of the Japan’s seemed-to-be close cooperation with the Third Reich – although other countries would tighten their policies towards the Jews.
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