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Vox Patrum
|
2008
|
vol. 52
|
issue 2
729-742
IT
«Amore», vocabolo fondamentale nel cristianesimo, benche oggi piuttosto abusato, e termine a cui si riconnettono, di fatto, accezioni semantiche molteplici. Diviene, dunque, ąuestione di determinante importanza recuperare la comprensione del vocabolo nella Sacra Scrittura e nella Tradizione della Chiesa. Nella Chiesa latina, infatti, il sentimento e la realta delPamore sono stati espressi eon termini diversi: amor, caritas, dilectio, affectio o studium. Tra IV e V secolo, secondo Agostino, essi sono divenuti, peró, ąuasi sinonimi. L’A., traduttore dell’opera di Cassia- no in lingua polacca, pone al riguardo la ąuestione se differenze di campo semantico nel lessico relativo all’«amore» siano presenti negli scritti delPabate marsigliese. A conclusione della ricerca, l’A. constata che le tre fondamentali parole determinanti l’idea di «amore» - caritas, dilectio e amor - non circoscrivono un campo semantico omogeneo e sinonimico, ma un autentico arcipelago di significati che vanno dalPamore in senso fisico alla virtu teologale. Pertanto, nonostante le frequenti analogie concettuali e qualche sovrapposizione d’uso, emergono a pili riprese differenze su cui si intersecano svariati campi semantici. Infine, eon una interessante incursione nelPambito della sociolinguistica, PA. fa emergere Pomologazione del concetto nelle lingue moderne, povere nelle definizioni delPamore e inclini a deno- tarne le sfaccettature, esplicitate eon sottigliezza nelle Conferenze spirituali di Giovanni Cassiano, eon l’impiego di un unico termine.
EN
«Amore», vocabolo fondamentale nel cristianesimo, benche oggi piuttosto abusato, e termine a cui si riconnettono, di fatto, accezioni semantiche molteplici. Diviene, dunque, ąuestione di determinante importanza recuperare la comprensione del vocabolo nella Sacra Scrittura e nella Tradizione della Chiesa. Nella Chiesa latina, infatti, il sentimento e la realta dell'amore sono stati espressi eon termini diversi: amor, caritas, dilectio, affectio o studium. Tra IV e V secolo, secondo Agostino, essi sono divenuti, peró, ąuasi sinonimi. L’A., traduttore dell’opera di Cassiano in lingua polacca, pone al riguardo la ąuestione se differenze di campo semantico nel lessico relativo all’«amore» siano presenti negli scritti delPabate marsigliese. A conclusione della ricerca, l’A. constata che le tre fondamentali parole determinanti l’idea di «amore» - caritas, dilectio e amor - non circoscrivono un campo semantico omogeneo e sinonimico, ma un autentico arcipelago di significati che vanno dalPamore in senso fisico alla virtu teologale. Pertanto, nonostante le frequenti analogie concettuali e qualche sovrapposizione d’uso, emergono a pili riprese differenze su cui si intersecano svariati campi semantici. Infine, eon una interessante incursione nelPambito della sociolinguistica, PA. fa emergere Pomologazione del concetto nelle lingue moderne, povere nelle definizioni delPamore e inclini a deno- tarne le sfaccettature, esplicitate eon sottigliezza nelle Conferenze spirituali di Giovanni Cassiano, eon l’impiego di un unico termine.
PL
«Amore», vocabolo fondamentale nel cristianesimo, benche oggi piuttosto abusato, e termine a cui si riconnettono, di fatto, accezioni semantiche molteplici. Diviene, dunque, ąuestione di determinante importanza recuperare la comprensione del vocabolo nella Sacra Scrittura e nella Tradizione della Chiesa. Nella Chiesa latina, infatti, il sentimento e la realta delPamore sono stati espressi eon termini diversi: amor, caritas, dilectio, affectio o studium. Tra IV e V secolo, secondo Agostino, essi sono divenuti, peró, ąuasi sinonimi. L’A., traduttore dell’opera di Cassiano in lingua polacca, pone al riguardo la ąuestione se differenze di campo semantico nel lessico relativo all’«amore» siano presenti negli scritti dell'abate marsigliese. A conclusione della ricerca, l’A. constata che le tre fondamentali parole determinanti l’idea di «amore» - caritas, dilectio e amor - non circoscrivono un campo semantico omogeneo e sinonimico, ma un autentico arcipelago di significati che vanno dalPamore in senso fisico alla virtu teologale. Pertanto, nonostante le frequenti analogie concettuali e qualche sovrapposizione d’uso, emergono a pili riprese differenze su cui si intersecano svariati campi semantici. Infine, eon una interessante incursione nelPambito della sociolinguistica, PA. fa emergere Pomologazione del concetto nelle lingue moderne, povere nelle definizioni delPamore e inclini a deno- tarne le sfaccettature, esplicitate eon sottigliezza nelle Conferenze spirituali di Giovanni Cassiano, eon l’impiego di un unico termine.
EN
The first and second parts of the study present a short overview of research in Cassian’s biography and works. In 2012 P. Tzamalikos published his edition of a Greek text by Cassian and proposed a hypothesis about its author writing in Greek in the 6th century. Taking into account the first responses to the hypothesis (by A. Casiday and C. Stewart), the study recapitulates the research in Cassian’s biography with its lacunae and many hardly traceable details. In this regard, “reading Cassian” means looking for his place in the Christian and cultural history. The third part recalls usual reading of Cassian’s texts, especially doctrinal themes connected with the so-called Semipelagianism. The fourth part deals with reading the Bible. Close reading of Cassian’s Collatio 14 makes us to correct or develop our approach to the theory of four senses of Scripture presented here: it should not be seen as a mechanistic way of explaining every place in the Bible by everyone. Cassian insists on the fundamental relation between the ability to grasp the deeper senses of Scripture and the internal life of a reader. Then the senses need time to mature like some old wine. We read Cassian’s words as a call for multifold personal meditation, the first step of public/ecclesiastic exegesis that will follow after years of repeated reading and ascetic experience.
EN
In this short study we follow selected aspects of the problem of anger as found in the writings of the Christian monk and theologian John Cassian (c. 360 – c. 435), teachings drawing upon both philosophical considerations and monastic tradition. Writing on the subject of anger, Cassian proceeded from theological questions (what is the nature of God) through exegetical, anthropological, and ethical perspectives, to issues embedded in the theory of monastic asceticism. The far-reaching complexity he brings to the problem is a result, on the one hand, of the rich philosophical and exegetical background of Cassian's reflection and, on the other, from his deep intuitions. For example, he knew (perhaps too well) that anger is something not simple to judge, nor is it always bad, since God himself is sometimes angry, and human beings can be angry at sin. Cassian's work, the balanced product of a keen monastic mind, offers the modern reader – even after all these ages – much to reflect upon.
PL
W niniejszym krótkim studium śledzimy wybrane aspekty problemu gniewu w pismach Jana Kasjana w kontekście wcześniejszych rozważań filozoficznych i tradycji monastycznej. Pisząc na ten gniewu, Kasjan musiał poruszyć kwestie teologiczne (jaki jest Bóg sam w sobie), egzegetyczne, antropologiczne, etyczne i to, co wynika z teorii ascezy monastycznej. Tak daleko idąca złożoność zagadnienia wynika z jednej strony z bogatego filozoficznego i egzegetycznego tła rozważań, a z drugiej – z głębokich intuicji Kasjana, który aż nazbyt dobrze sobie zdawał sprawę, że gniew nie jest czymś prostym w ocenie, zawsze złym (skoro gniewa się Bóg lub człowiek może wybuchnąć gniewem na widok grzechu). Owa równowaga pism monastycznych jest czymś, co także po wiekach, nawet współczesnego czytelnika, powinno zastanowić.
4
63%
Vox Patrum
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1999
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vol. 36
335-348
FR
Cet article veut presenter de facon synthetique les conseils de Jean Cassien au sujet de la priere d'apres ses Conferences. L'expose se divise en trois points. La premiere partie aborde ies questions suivantes: i'ecoie de ia priere, ses conditions et ses differentes expressions.
Vox Patrum
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2000
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vol. 38
267-280
IT
Nel suo scritto Giovanni Cassiano esamina i piu scuotanti tesi di Nestorio: negazione della divinita al Cristo e negazione del titolo theotokos alla sua Madre. Con gli argomenti presi dalia Sacra Scrittura e dal credo di Antiochia l'autore del trattato cerca di dimostrare la piena divinita di Cristo.
Vox Patrum
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2015
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vol. 63
185-197
EN
One of the principal ideas in oriental anthropology is that of the divinization of man. The author studies this idea in John Cassian and draws the conclusion that not only was it known to Cassian, but indeed it is the filter through which he views the question of grace. The author arrives at this conclusion, above all, by underlin­ing oriental monasticism as the original context of the theology of divinization. Cassian was trained as a theologian and monk in this very ambience. All of the elements of the concept of divinization are present in the writings of Cassian and the two biblical models for the qšwsij of man – its creation of man in the image and likeness of God (Gen 1: 26-27) and the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor (Mt 17: 1-8; Mc 9: 2-8; Lc 9: 28-36) – are widely commented on by Cassian and form the basis of his theological and ascetical teaching. Cassian’s doctrine on grace, which is deeply penetrated by the concept of divinization, propounds the idea that, after original sin, the likeness of God in man is destroyed, but the image of God in man – reason, free will, and conscience – remains. The grace of God, perceived through the prism of divinization, in Cassian implies not a “resurrection” of the dead nature of man, but a strengthening of his relationship with God, a passage from the condition of “slave” to that of “friend”. This teaching, characterized as it is by a salvific optimism which is typically oriental, according to the author, should no longer be regarded as a form of semipelagianism. Rather, but with due qualification, it should be regarded as a valid and interesting way of speaking on the perennially difficult quaestio of the relationship between grace and free will.
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Kobieta w pismach Jana Kasjana

63%
Vox Patrum
|
2016
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vol. 66
155-168
EN
John Paul II remarked, in his famous Letter to Women, that the “sons of the Church” also contributed to undermining the dignity of women over the centuries. Can John Cassian be counted amongst them? It was he who spread the doctrine of the Desert Fathers in the West, and some, such as Anatole France, accuse them of entertaining hatred towards women. By analysing the writings of John Cassian, we discover, however, that, besides the many interesting texts of his, uncommon in Christian literature, in which he talks of God as a mother, and alongside the fervent invitation to Christians to honour the Blessed Virgin Mary, the texts which concern women contain not a trace of discrimination. In his writings, woman is not inferior to man, either by nature or by virtue. On the contrary, there are times when he holds them out as examples to be followed for their great faith and virtue. If, at times, he also presents woman with reference to some vice, he does so only to illustrate the virtue of some other person. Generally speaking, therefore, the vision of woman found in his writings is basically positive, and it finds a place naturally in his ascetical doctrine of mediocritas. It was certainly not he who, by his writings, contributed to undermining the dignity of women.
8
63%
Vox Patrum
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2018
|
vol. 70
93-105
EN
It is often said today that the current religious crisis is caused by a false image of God. The question therefore is how is He to be presented, so that with all the limitations of the human intellect and language in the face of the apophatic cha­racter of the Divine Majesty, God will be expressed in a way that will be the least “detrimental” to Him (and also to man)? It seems that the Egyptian Desert Fathers may be qualified teachers, even masters in this matter, not only, because the “sem­blance of God” was an issue that greatly engaged their community which had to deal with the heresy of anthropomorphism, but even more so, because as men of deep faith and prayer, often great mystics, they had an experience of God and so they continue to be for us unrivalled “experts” in this field. Analysing therefore their teaching on the image of God contained in the Apophthegmata of the Desert Fathers, we have arrived at the following conclusions. The Desert Fathers were fully aware how important the image of God is in the process of faith, knowing that a false image may lead not only to personal tragedies, but even to social unrest, and that it always leads to an atrophy of prayer and is an obstacle on the way to perfec­tion. In spite of this, even though the word “God” appears in the Apophthegmata very often, the search for some uniform image of God and even clauses of the type: “God is…” that are extremely rare, would be in vain. What could be the reasons for the “silence” of the Desert Fathers in this matter? In our view, first of all the fun­damental reason was their humility and the fact that they did not see themselves as teachers of others, and second, their suspicion as to their own visions that could in fact hide the ruses of Satan. However, the most important reason for the “omission” of the image of God in the Apopthegmata is, in our view, Eastern spirituality which treated every endeavour to define God and to demonstrate His image as an attempt to limit His divine nature. The ineffable and infinite God in the understanding of the Desert Fathers was also a God who is unique and unspeakable, to such an extent that each individual has to arrive alone, in his own heart, as far as this is possible, at His true image. Thus, in the Apophthegmata we do not find univocal statements declaring what is the true image of God, and the only thing that the Desert Fathers have conveyed to us is that approaching God is something of a process, at the be­ginning of which, yes certainly, some even infantile imagination of God may be admissible (hence a “leniency” towards anthropomorphism), but then it has to be subjected to a progressive purification, in the knowledge that “that which is perfect will come later”. This will come, not so much as a result of hearing about God or the acquisition of knowledge about Him, but through the practice of prayer, pe-nance and almsgiving.
Vox Patrum
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2018
|
vol. 69
527-545
EN
Author of this paper juxtaposes several issues which are fundamental for mo­nastic concepts of St. Augustine and John Cassian, two figures that had the great­est impact on the development of the western pre-Benedictine monasticism. The difference in intellectual inspirations, personal monastic experiences, addressees of their monastic works and positions held by them in the institutional Church in­fluenced very deeply their teaching. Thus they interpret in a different manner an ac­count on the Jerusalem community (Acts 4:31-35) that – in their common opinion – began the history of monasticism. Cassian sees in it just the historical outset for this phenomenon while Augustine perceives it as a still valid model of behavior for his monks. They look differently at the relation of monastic communities towards the community of the Church but also at inner rules governing the life of monks in monasteries. Unlike Augustine, Cassian sees possibility of spiritual growth gained by monks through ascetical practices and decisions made on their free will. This anthropological optimism had played the key-role for the statement that Cassian made in the face of radical views of Augustine on the Grace and free will, formu­lated by him during the Pelagian controversy but also in other controversial issue, namely of possible legitimacy of lying under particular circumstances.
10
51%
Vox Patrum
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2006
|
vol. 49
471-481
IT
Dal punto di vista antropologico, l’amicizia fu sempre considerata come una delle relazioni necessarie della natura umana. Di tale relazione scrissero vari autori pagani e cristiani, ma tra i Padri e Dottori della Chiesa nessuno ne aveva fatto un trattato speciale prima di Giovanni Cassiano, grande maestro di ascesi monastica.
EN
Hac in introductione omnia graeca et latina opera Patrum de incarnatione Verbi scripta enumerantur ac brevissime explicantur.
EN
The main question that the present paper tries to answer is as follows: since two discordant precepts concerning work were to be found in the New Testament, how did monks behave? One precept treated work as a duty, the other recommended not to care about one’s maintenance. The monks followed in their behaviour either the first or the second precept. As a result of disputes that took place in the fourth century the opinion prevailed that work was the better choice. It is important for us to find out when and under what circumstances that choice was done by the majority of the monastic movement in the East. It is also important to see what arguments were used by the monks of Late Antiquity in order to settle the conflict between the two discordant precepts. This conflict worried many and caused a renewal of a dispute that seemed to have been closed. Two ways of reasoning in favour of monastic work were generally used: monks might and should pray and work at the same time, satisfying both precepts; monks ought to work in order to be able to give alms, and this conferred to work a meaning that went beyond immediate usefulness. Praying and working at the same time was not always feasible in actual practice, but this did not bother authors of ascetic treatises.
Vox Patrum
|
2017
|
vol. 67
477-497
EN
“You set charity in order in me” (Song 2:4, LXX) is one of the most funda­mental biblical texts for the concept of the ordo caritatis. The Author seeks to examine how this text was read in the East and West, analysing the commen­tary of three Greek authors (Origen, Gregory of Nyssa and Theodoret of Cyrus), and three Latin authors (Augustine of Hippo, John Cassian and Apponius). There commentaries, he notes, agree with one another for the most part, and refer more or less to Origen’s exegesis of this verse. However, some differences can be noted. The Eastern Fathers, for example, hold that, in the order of charity, the criterion of merit is more important than the criterion of blood relationship; that is to say, the greater love is to be shown to those who have been born in Christ (cf. 1Cor 4:15) over those born of the flesh. Only the Eastern Fathers explore what the ordo caritatis means also in relation to one’s enemies. The Western Fathers, for their part, tend to underline the moral aspect of the ordo caritatis, insofar as upholding that order is virtue, while infringing it is sin. In this regard, a casuistic approach can occur in their commentary more frequently than in those of the Eastern Fathers. The novelty of the commentaries of the Western Fathers is also found in their reflection on the ordo caritatis within the Holy Tri­nity, as well as the manner in which they expand the embrace of this order to other categories of people: friends, fellow citizens, strangers. Some of the Western Fathers (Apponius) apply the ordo caritatis not only to people but also to works of mercy, while others (Augustine) bring out the aesthetic element in the ordo caritatis, noting that the effect of order of any kind, including the order of charity, is beauty.
XX
Artykuł koncentruje się na egzegezie Łk 17,21 – na fragmencie mówiącym o królestwie Bożym obecnym w nas lub pośród nas? W kolejnych punktach poszukiwano odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak należy rozumieć grecki termin ἐντὸς. Autor odwołuje się do świadectw biblijnych, literatury patrystycznej oraz polskiej tradycji translatorskiej Biblii.
EN
In my work I focus on the Kingdom of God in Luke 17,21. Is it inside the man or among the people. One word ἐντὸς, two translations, and many interpretations. How ἐντὸς uses the Greek translation of the Old Testament called the Septuagint? Always mean inside. As the Fathers of the Church interpreted Luke 17,21? They said that the Kingdom of God is within people, but only Christians. And as apocryphal literature interprets the Gospel of Luke 17,21? Gospel of Thomas refers to the Gospel of Luke, that the Kingdom of God is within us and outside us. In my opinion has more arguments translation: “The kingdom of God is within you”. Then summary. We see Polish translations of the Bible, the modern and the old text. Translation and like interpretation has changed over the centuries.
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