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EN
The Katyn Massacre has played an important role in Polish-British relations during World War II and in the postwar decades. The first part of the article elaborates on the UK’s activity during and directly after WWII, while part two provides information about the 1950s that shows the UK’s position on the so-called Madden Committee established by the U.S. Congress to clarify the circumstances of the Katyn crime. The final part is devoted to the Foreign Office’s approach to plans to erect a monument commemorating the victims in London.
EN
In the spring of 1940, the Soviets massacred thousands of Polish officers who were in Soviet camps, and buried them in mass graves in Katyn. In 1943 Nazi Germany officially informed the world about this massacre. The communists ruthlessly tried to blame the Germans. Polish representatives went to Katyn. They were eyewitnesses to the discovery of the truth about the mass murder. Each of the Polish delegates was then harassed by the security apparatus. The lie promoted by the communist regime for half a century was only revealed in 1989. Families of the murdered officers were also victims for decades. With the breakup of the Soviet Union and the wave of perestroika (restructuring) in 1990, on the next anniversary of the crime the Soviet press agency reported for the first time in history that the Soviet NKVD was responsible for the murder of these Polish officers. The Katyn massacre was, and is, intertwined with politics.
Kwartalnik Historyczny
|
2023
|
vol. 130
|
issue 3
565-602
EN
This article presents the fate of Polish soldiers in Soviet captivity after 17 September 1939. Some of them (including reserve officers) ended up in the NKVD camp Pavlishchev Bor (Smolensk region). The camp functioned until the outbreak of the Soviet-German war.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy losów polskich żołnierzy, którzy znaleźli się w niewoli sowieckiej po 17 września 1939 r. Pewna ich liczba (w tym oficerowie rezerwy) trafiła do obozu NKWD Pawliszczew Bor (obwód smoleński). Obóz funkcjonował do wybuchu wojny sowiecko-niemieckiej.
EN
This paper builds upon on insights of Artur Zmijewski on recent national blockbusters contained in a volume of The Polish Cinema (Kino polskie) from 1989 to 2009: A Critical history. The insights go beyond the generally accepted views on those films. The author then examines the films Katyn and General “Nil” as phenomena reflecting the kind of “posthumous life” of the romantic paradigm of Polish culture buried nearly two decades ago by Maria Janion, that for decades was seen as anachronistic, but that remains popular and is occasionally revived. He describes its fate in the culture of the Socialist People’s Republic of Poland (PRL), and also considers memoirs as historical sources. In the last part of the article Adamczak presents a new perspective of seeing Jerzy Skolimowski’s Essential Killing and Anna Jadowska’s General as attempts of breaking out of the magic circle of constantly renewing opposition between romanticism and anti-romanticism.
PL
Pomimo bogatej literatury, opracowań naukowych i publikacji źródłowych zbrodnia katyńska to wciąż zagadnienie, które kryje w sobie wiele niepodjętych przez badaczy aspektów. Jednym z nich jest los małoletnich więźniów trzech obozów specjalnych NKWD: w Starobielsku, Kozielsku i Ostaszkowie. W artykule spróbowano znaleźć odpowiedzi na podstawowe w tej kwestii pytania: kim byli chłopcy przebywający w tych obozach, dlaczego się w nich znaleźli, jak liczna to była grupa, jaki los ich spotkał. Despite the rich literature, scientific studies and source publications, the Katyn Massacre is still an issue that hides many aspects not taken up by researchers. One of them is the fate of juvenile prisoners of three NKVD special camps: at Starobilsk, Kozelsk and Ostashkov. The article tries to answer to the basic questions in this matter: who were the boys staying in these camps, why were they in, how large was the group, and what happened to them?
EN
This article presents an outline of the history of the Katyn massacre perpetrated by the Soviet Union on almost 22,000 Polish citizens in 1940, the attempts to search for the truth about the crime, and the process of the deconstruction of the Katyn lie from 1943; it will then move to a description of the history of its commemoration (including by independent organisations such as the Independent Historical Committee for the Investigation of the Katyn Crime [Niezależny Komitet Historyczny Badania Zbrodni Katyńskiej] and the Polish Katyn Foundation), and the documentation of the massacre at the Katyn Museum, the Martyrology Branch of the Polish Army Museum in Warsaw. Due to the complexity of this issue, the article has been divided chronologically into several chapters, starting with the signing of the German-Soviet Pact (the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact) in 1939; the circumstances of World War II leading to the Katyn massacre; how Katyn qualifies as a war crime; and the progression of the story up until modern times. Apart from the history of the crime itself, the authors also describe the discovery of the evidence and the process of creating the Katyn Museum in Warsaw, as well as its permanent exhibition and the most important collections. The article discusses the issues of historic military architecture which was incorporated into the Katyn Museum, creating a unique exhibition containing thousands of artefacts (Katyn relics) recovered from the death pits in Katyn (Russia), Kharkiv-Pyatikhatky (Ukraine), Kyiv-Bykivnya (Ukraine) and Tver-Mednoye (Russia).
EN
The Katyn Massacre, which was a war crime, crime of genocide and crime against humanity, took at least 21 857 victims. The murdered were Polish citizens captured or arrested after the Soviet Union’s invasion of Poland on 17 September 1939. They were held in the NKVD camps in Kozelsk, Ostashkov and Starobelsk and in prisons in Western Ukraine and Belarus. In the spring of 1940 they were murdered by the Soviets. Among the victims were 2354 people connected with the pre-war Kielce voivodeship. The paper presents the biographical notes of twenty victims connected with the Kielce region. Fifteen of them were imprisoned in the above mentioned camps. Another five are victims of crimes from the so-called Ukrainian Katyn List. Apart from officers in the regular service and policemen, the murdered included representatives of the social elite. Among them were civil servants, educators, physicians, pharmacists, engineers, members of the landed gentry, lawyers, foresters, merchants and clergymen.All of them, as reserve officers, defended Poland against the Soviets in 1939. They paid the highest price for it. The paper analyses the material which shows that veterans of the Polish-Bolshevik war constituted a high percentage among the victims of the Soviet crime.
PL
Zbrodnia Katyńska, będąca zbrodnią wojenną, zbrodnią ludobójstwa i zbrodnią przeciwko ludzkości, pochłonęła co najmniej 21 857 ofiar. Zamordowanymi byli obywatele polscy wzięci do niewoli lub aresztowani po agresji ZSRS na Polskę rozpoczętej 17 września 1939 roku. Osadzono ich w obozach NKWD w Kozielsku, Ostaszkowie i Starobielsku oraz w więzieniach na zachodniej Ukrainie i Białorusi. Zostali zamordowani przez Sowietów wiosną 1940 roku. Wśród ofiar znajdowały się 2354 osoby związane z przedwojennym województwem kieleckim. Wysoki odsetek wśród ofiar stanowili weterani wojny polsko-bolszewickiej. Wśród jeńców wymienionych obozów związanych z Kielecczyzną było co najmniej 383 żołnierzy walczących z Sowietami w 1920 roku. Z liczby tej 114 osadzonych w Kozielsku zabito i pogrzebano w Katyniu, 115 ze Starobielska zamordowano i pochowano w Charkowie, a 154 z Ostasz-kowa zabito w Kalininie i pogrzebano w Miednoje. W artykule zaprezentowano biogramy dwudziestu ofiar związanych z Kielecczyzną, w tym piętnastu jeńców wymienionych obozów. Kolejnych pięciu to ofiary zbrodni z Ukraińskiej Listy Katyńskiej. Wśród zamordowanych obok oficerów służby stałej i policjantów znaleźli się przedstawiciele szeroko pojętej polskiej inteligencji: urzędnicy, nauczyciele, lekarze, farmaceuci, inżynierowie, ziemianie, prawnicy, leśnicy, kupcy oraz duchowni. Wszyscy oni jako oficerowie rezerwy bronili Polski przed Sowietami w 1939 roku. Zapłacili za to cenę najwyższą. Jednym z powodów skazania ich na śmierć było prawdopodobnie zaangażowanie w walkę przeciwko bolszewikom w 1920 roku.
EN
The article presents a figure of Lieutenant Colonel Rudolf Ksieniewicz, one of the officers of the army of the Second Polish Republic. He born on the Estonian island Dago, after moving with his family, he is in the depths of Russia. In order to relieve parents financially, he joins to the Russian Army. Going up the career ladder, he becomes one of the organizers of the Polish Army on Siberia. As a result of battles he gets into Bolshevik slavery, in which he remains until October 1921. In free Poland, he continues his military career, reaching the rank of lieutenant colonel and rising to the position of first deputy commander in the 45th Infantry Regiment in Rowne in Wołyń. In 1939, after the mobilization of the 13th infantry division, he remained in the garrison, of which he became the commandant. After the entry of the Red Army on September 17, he was taken prisoner, in the spring of 1940 he was murdered.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia sylwetkę ppłk. Rudolfa Ksieniewicza, jednego z oficerów wojska Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej. Urodzony na estońskiej wyspie Dago, po przeprowadzce z rodziną zamieszkał w głębi Rosji. Aby ulżyć finansowo rodzicom, wstąpił do armii rosyjskiej. Pnąc się po szczeblach kariery, został w końcu jednym z organizatorów Wojska Polskiego na Syberii. W wyniku walk dostał się do niewoli bolszewickiej, w której pozostawał do października 1921 r. W wolnej Polsce kontynuował karierę wojskowego, osiągając stopień podpułkownika i stanowisko I zastępcy dowódcy 45 pułku piechoty w Równem na Wołyniu. W 1939 r. po mobilizacji 13 Dywizji Piechoty pozostał w Równem, którego został komendantem garnizonu. Po wkroczeniu Armii Czerwonej 17 września dostał się do niewoli i wiosną 1940 r. został zamordowany przez Sowietów w bliżej nieznanych okolicznościach.
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