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EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This article seeks to outline what may be called a ‘diagnosis’ of the relationship between the church and the world, according to the English blessed, John Henry Newman. In his opinion, this relationship will always be conflictive and it is destined to remain so (an account that seems to be confirmed, and perhaps even accentuated, in our time).THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The discussion, follow­ing a brief hermeneutic because of its limited extension, reflects on Newman’s thesis relevant in its thought: the church-world opposition, an opposition on which this author is highly descriptive, and whose approaches do not have any ambiguity.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The argumentative line of the article stops at three points consistent with each other and coherent within the British religious’s exposition: 1. The customs of the church and the world differ completely. 2. Wanting to adopt the criteria of the world is always a danger­ous lure for the church. 3. A dichotomous relationship with the world, a world fallen by sin, is a natural condition for the church.RESEARCH RESULTS: The evident tension between the church and the world emerges from the analysis carried out in the investigation.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: What is the usual framework of the relationship between the church and the world according to Cardinal Newman? This question, tacitly present in this ar­ticle, is answered by Newman in a negative way (as it shows with well-founded reasons, in my opinion, a problematic bond which dates from the beginning of the church and that in the future will continue to be so). His thesis confirms and expresses an essential discordance between two realms of different condition: a temporal one, the world, and an eternal one, the church. From his writings on this subject, it is concluded that the mission of the church is to evangelize the world in an incessant way, although the results of it seem always a little insuf­ficient and even infertile.
PL
Wolność prasy jest jedną z podstawowych gwarancji demokratycznego państwa, a jednocześnie gwarancją praw politycznych. Po 2008 roku, kiedy nastąpił wielki kryzys finansowy, państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej zaczęły znacząco ograniczać prawa i wolności obywateli, w tym wolność prasy. Wprowadzone restrykcje są charakterystyczne dla nowej demokracji opancerzonej. Czasami jednak stają się narzędziem w rękach antydemokratów. Celem artykułu jest sprawdzenie, jak i dlaczego na przestrzeni lat, pomiędzy kolejnymi kryzysami, tj. kryzysem finansowym, tzw. kryzysem uchodźczym, pandemią koronawirusa, ograniczano wolność prasy w Irlandii i Wielkiej Brytanii. Są to państwa, w których początkowo nie odczuwano politycznych i społecznych skutków kryzysu gospodarczego, natomiast w późniejszym okresie zaobserwowano szybką regresję. Wykorzystując jakościową analizę treści, opartą na raportach organizacji Reporterzy bez Granic (Reporters without Borders) i Freedom House, badanie to prezentuje, jak i dlaczego zmieniały się ograniczenia wolności prasy. Lokuje struktury polityczne Irlandii i Wielkiej Brytanii pomiędzy typami idealnymi nowej i quasi-demokracji opancerzonej, w zależności od celu ograniczeń.
EN
The freedom of the press is one of the basic guarantees of a democratic state and, at the same time, a guarantee of political rights. After 2008, when the great financial crisis occurred, the Member States of the European Union began to significantly limit the rights and freedoms of citizens, including freedom of the press. The introduced restrictions are characteristic of a neo-militant democracy. However, they sometimes become a tool in the hands of antidemocrats. The aim of the article is to check how and why over the years, between successive crises, i.e., financial crisis, the so-called refugee crisis, the coronavirus pandemic, freedom of the press was restricted in Ireland and Great Britain. These are the countries in which initially the political and social effects of the economic crisis were not felt, but later rapid regression was observed. By using content analysis based on reports from the Reporters without Borders and Freedom House organizations, the study uncovers how and why the restrictions of freedom of the press changed. It locates the political structures of Ireland and Great Britain between the ideal types of neo- and quasi-militant democracy, depending on the goal of the restrictions. The research hypothesis is as follows: The restriction of freedom of the press in Ireland and the United Kingdom after 2008 shows that states are using the media system to pursue their particular interests by introducing solutions characteristic of quasi-militant democracies.
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