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EN
The portrait of the monastic milieu in Byzantine Egypt, as presented in this paper, has no pretence of being complete. It uses various sources: literary texts (apophthegms, in particular), documents written on papyrus and ostraca, remains of monks' dwellings. It aims at throwing light on a number of points, such as: the procedures necessary for a candidate to enter a monastic community; the monks' social background; literacy among the monks; hierarchic order regulating community life; the monks' everyday interpersonal relationships, especially the kinds of conflicts arising among them and the ways of solving them; the mobility of the monks before the introduction of the principle of stabilitas loci; the attitude of the Church and of public opinion towards those who gave up the cowl.
EN
This paper deals with the alleged Arianism of Eusebius of Caesarea (ca. 250-339), author of the first Ecclesiastical History. The charge of Arianism was common since the breakout of this heresy in the second decade of the 4th century. While the shrewdest opponent of the Arians was Athanasius the Great, he does not associate Eusebius directly with the rest of the followers of Arius. It is, then, useful to come out with the new treatment of the Arians. These new ramifications are based on the twofold concept of the Arian, as either someone taking part in the political actions of the group of Eusebius of Nicomedia and Arius, or someone sharing the most important theological notions with Arius. The whole argument is to show that Eusebius of Caesarea in neither of the two senses can be justly recognized as an Arian. His political defense of Arius is motivated mostly by the idea of new era of peace in Church. It just started with the arrival of Constantine. On the other hand, his theological views are deeply rooted in the theology of Origen, and not up-to-date exegesis of the Scriptures. The old historian, exegete and apologist was too busy with his preoccupations to be a part of the Arian movement.
EN
Our knowledge of the earliest monastic communities in North Africa comes primarily and almost exclusively from the writings of St. Augustine or from other works written by authors closely related to him. These literary sources represent specific categories with a strongly persuasive function and as such they belong to the prescriptive, apologetic or hagiographical writings. While studying any aspect of early monasticism in North Africa it is necessary to pay attention to the literary and rhetorical traits of the texts. The prescriptive works (Rule of St. Augustine, De opere monachorum) pointed to the ideal which could be perceived as a task to be completed by the monks themselves as well as by their superiors; the apologetic sources (Sermones 355-356) were to show that this ideal, seemingly imperfect as it was, functioned quite well; finally, the hagiographical sources (Vita Augustini) tried to convince the reader that the ideal had come true. The perfect and clearly established example of this ideal is found in the apostolic community in Jerusalem outlined in the Acts of the Apostles 4, 32-35.
EN
The author proposes corrections to the recent Polish translation of Diocletian's Edictum de pretiis, concerning the terms duracina and moneaea.
EN
The eunuchs at the imperial court of the Late Roman Empire generally appeared to ancient authors to be a destructive element in the decision-making and executive processes at the highest level of government. Especially the 'praepositus sacri cubiculi' is often descibed by our sources as an 'eminence grise' behind a weak emperor, or at any rate a bad influence at the court. This is why eunuchs as a social group tended to be despised or mocked even by otherwise fair-minded and unbiased authors. Furthermore, a myth was created about innate or acquired bad personal qualities of all eunuchs. In sum, there may have been no other social group in the empire that was generally disliked that much. Ancient authors overlook multitudes of menial eunuchs with low social standing, who were no influence whatsoever, because these were of no interest to them. Likewise, there were notable exceptions to the picture about greedy, effeminate, malicious castrated chamberlains, prone to cruelty and abuse of power, and some of the reliable historians mention them. Access to power and handling of it was indeed what mattered most in the evaluation of the eunuchs by our sources; the other features, such as the ethnical or cultural otherness, or the physical defect itself, or humble origin, seem to be far less significant.
EN
Jesus' refusal to go up to the Feast of Tabernacles, described in John 7:8 seems to stand in contradiction to his subsequent participation in the celebration. That contradiction drew the attention of early commentators pointing out the deeper meaning buried in Jesus' words. In his Paraphrase VII, 31-34, Nonnus of Panopolis shows a similarintention. By means of the term 'telete' he discloses a connection between Jesus' answerand his redemptive sacrifice, implying that Jesus is no longer speaking about the Jewish feast but about new Christian rites which would take place after his Resurrection.
EN
Our imagination of the matrimonial reality of the Roman world has been haunted by women counting their age by their husbands instead of consuls (Seneca, de ben. 3.16.2) and the notorious Cato - Marcia - Hortensius triangle (Plutarch, Cato 25-27). This stereotypical idea of the poor durability of marriages in Antiquity has been recently challenged in the diligent study of Susan Treggiari who, having counted the divorces present in the classical literary sources (sixty-odd up to the times of Domitian, some of them involving the same individuals), came to the conclusion that this picture is simply a by-product of the topoi of the moralistic and satirical literature. And yet, we must observe that the literature hardly ever deals with the lives of simple people, so the reality may only be retrieved from the documents of legal practice. Prima facie the scarcity of the documentation seems to corroborate the thesis of Treggiari. At present there are less than fifty known deeds dealing directly with divorce, predominantly dated to the Roman and Byzantine eras; some of them are regrettably preserved only very fragmentarily. Yet the view has to be put forward that this may be caused by the fact that not all divorces were documented. The nature of the documents recording divore for the most typical divorce settlements: marriage contracts, census records, petitions of the deserted wives or husbands, show that divorce was part of the 'normal' life ofthe inhabitants of Graeco-Roman Egypt and must have occurred quite frequently. The paper aims at presenting the general format of the divorce settlements, and then gives translations and interpretations of 6 documents relating to divorce. With the aid of these examples a few important research issues are discussed: the relation between theImperial Law and the divorce practice as shown in the papyri: the principle of formless and easy divorce; the gradual limitation of divorces from the times of Constantine the Great and its probably meagre impact on the legal practice; the possible admission ofthe intervention of third parties into divorce (viz. the parents' decision); and finally the question of the possible influence of Christianity on divorce customs (which does not seem to be easily detectable).
EN
Ablabius is an unknown Roman/Greek writer or historian of the late Antiquity. He is mentioned only three times in Jordanes' work 'de origine actibusque Getarum' written ca. AD 551 (Get. 28; 84; 117). Ablabius has had several identities ascribed to him by modern scholars. One suggestion is that he can be identified with the sophist Ablabius the Galatian (IV/V AD.). In this paper the author rejects this hypothesis as unproven und discusses some minor problems concerning Ablabius.
EN
(Polish title: 'I los padl na Macieja...' Kilka uwag o poznoantycznym stosunku do losow i pewnym epizodzie z poczatkow Kosciola). In Late Antiquity the choice of a bishop was widely treated as an attempt to discover God's will, and the method by which Matthias was chosen to replace Judas as the twelfth apostle, namely by drawing lots, as described in Ac 1,15-26, would seem to have provided a model solution for recognizing God's intention. But such selections by drawing lots never gained wider acceptance. This paper explains this method's lack of popularity and shows how Christian authors such as John Chrysostom, Theodoret, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine justified the difference between the contemporary practice of episcopal elections and the biblical example. This leads to some observations about the attitude of Late Antique Christians towards the ideal community presented in the first chapters of Acts.
EN
A response to the article of Jan Prostko-Prostynski published in the same issue of the journal.
EN
The paper traces the Christianization of the West by focusing on the practice of penitence and discipline. It attempts to uncover hidden traces of a changing mentality of the individual and the society. This procedure is presented as a viable path toward obtaining an insight of how Europe had been in fact Christianized.
EN
The author analyses Greek and Latin sources which are concerned with the Maiuma feast, however the Syriac ones are also briefly discussed. The article aims to show the main features of this event and to explain the reluctant attitude of Emperor Julian towards it. It seems rather improbable that the Maiuma can be identified with the 'ponera heorte' in Daphne described by Libanius (Or., L 11) or with other outwardly similar ones: the 'panegyris ton Bryton' celebrated in Constantinople, the feast in Edessa described by Joshua the Stylite or the theatrical event condemned by Severus of Antioch. Moreover the author argues that there is no premise for suspecting that the licentious Antiochean water show described by John Chrysostom is the same as the Maiuma. The second part of the article shows the Maiuma in the context of Julian's thoughts about 'heortai' and 'panegyreis'. Two reasons for the criticism are considered: the economic one, caused by the financial troubles of Antioch, and the ideological one, resulting from the emperor's morality and his devotion to sophrosyne, which was the main reason for the growing conflict between him and the Antiocheans (Misop., 345D, 346).
EN
The article is devoted to the puzzling historian Aristodemos (FGrHist 104), whowrote a complete book on common history at a time which is difficult to define. Two separate summaries have been preserved from it. The former one from Codex Parisinus 607, published in the 19th century, includes a description of events from the battle at Salamina until the outbreak of Peloponnesian war (480-431 B.C.). The latter one which comes from Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 2469, published in 1962, includes a fragment devoted to events preceding the battle of Plataea in 479 B.C. The article is an attempt to define the relations between the two extracts as well as their relation to the lost original text by Aristodemos. Moreover, it indicates that the extract from Codex Parisinus, mixed with fragments of The Life of Apollonius of Tyana by Philostratos and medical recipes is probably a copyist's exercise, practicing his writing technique. As the initial analysis of the preserved fragments of Aristodemos's writings shows, he was not only a historian, but also an erudite, aspiring to complete the reports of Herodotus, Thucydides and other classic historiographers, living probably in Hellenist times (3-1st century B.C.).
EN
The main purpose of this paper is to gather all the available evidence on the elections of bishops in Egypt in the 5th and 7th centuries. No attempt at exhaustive research in this domain has ever been undertaken in the past; many sources have been neglected up to now. From the evidence collected by the author it appears that two factors were decisive in shaping the peculiar character of episcopal elections in Egypt: (1) the extremely large power of the bishop of Alexandria, which gave him the exclusive right to choose the men to be ordained for all the sees of Egypt, whereas outside Egypt the bishop for a given see was elected by the clergy, the notables and the people of the town and by the bishops of the neighbouring towns; (2) the Christological controversies that caused the rise of two patriarchates in Alexandria, belonging to two dogmatic camps, as well as - since the reign of Justinian - the rise of two parallel hierarchies in Egypt, one Monophysite and one Chalcedonian. Special attention has been given in this paper to the sources concerning Alexandria, in order to establish what the ecclesiastical and social forces were that played a role inthe election of the patriarch. This makes it possible to understand that the ways in which the emperor intervened in this process were much more complicated and subtle than previously thought.
EN
The aim of my article is to analyse the rhetorical features in the Life of Symeon the Fool, written in the 640s by Leontius, the bishop of Neapolis of Cyprus, or to be more precise, in the second part of it, which is devoted to the conduct of Symeon in the Syrian town of Emesa. The article gives special attention to all elements characteristic of the late antique rhetorical education, namely the progymnasmata - school exercises that trained the student's style of writing, also used by the hagiographers. At a closer look one can find interesting examples of diegema, which add up to a carefully thoughtout sequence of episodes. I argue that it is not as haphazard as has been hitherto accepted.
EN
The author of this polemical note deals once more (see USS 9) with historian Ablabius whom Jordanes in his Getica qualified as descriptor gentis Gothorum. The author argues that new attempts made in recent years to identify this personage with any of the Ablabii mentioned in late antique sources are not convincing. He maintains as well that there is no solid ground for asserting that Ablabius wrote an extensive history of Goths or made use in his work of Gothic oral tradition.
EN
The article is a polemic with L. Pedroni, „The Sun without Rays and the Eclipse of 272”, JLA 4(2011), 116–123.
Konštantínove listy
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2015
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vol. 8
|
issue 8
2 – 13
EN
The Eastern Roman Empire and its rival the Sassanid Empire were the most developed states in the Late Antiquity. Using the modern terms of the global world, they can be easily described as ‘superpowers’. The study characterizes both empires from the typological perspective and, simultaneously, attempts to compare Persian and Late Roman societies. Attention is also paid to the comparison of the potential of conscription in both states, to the function and state of the capitals (Constantinople and Ctesiphon), integrative religious doctrine (Christianity and Zoroastrianism) and to relations between secular powers and priests. The final part of the article discusses mutual borders and different strategic targets of both states.
Vojenská história
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 1
7 - 23
EN
The question of the exact chronology belongs undisputedly to the most discussed topics relating to the work of the Late Antique Greek historian Theophylact Simocatta. One of the most controversial aspects in this matter is the exact chronology of the Avar–Roman wars. Up to this time, at least four major hypotheses were proposed by various scholars. A conclusive solution, however, is still open to discussion and the present historiography either follows the chronological scheme of Maria Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou or that of Michael Whitby. This contribution deals with the two starting points of the chronology of the second phase of the Roman–Avar wars – the campaign of the Emperor Maurice in person (V.16-VI.3) and the subsequent Avar attack (VI.3-VI.5). Contrary to the previous scholars, I would like to propose a new chronological solution for these two military operations. Based on the close textual examination, I argue that they were not only inserted into Simocattaʼs Historia in the wrong chronological order, but they were also closely related and occurred in one and the same year – 590.
EN
The article is devoted to Acacius, the controversial bishop of Constantinople in the years 472-489. It is concerned primarily with his views and the role he played in the dispute over the validity of the decisions of the Council of Chalcedon and the causesof the break-up of the ecclesiastical communion between Constantinople and Rome. An analysis of the sources indicates that the bishop supported the followers of theCouncil throughout his tenure. This was particularly evident during the usurpation of Basiliscus in 475-476. His pro-Chalcedonian position reflected his religious convictions, not the desire to retain the privileges of the see of Constantinople granted at the Council of Chalcedon, as suggested by the contemporary historiography. The cause of the Acacian schism was Constantinople's recognition of Peter Mongos as Bishop of Alexandria, not the Henoticon drawn up by Acacius in AD 482.
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