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1

PALESTINIANS AND THE OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR IN LEBANON (1975)

100%
Michaľák T.
Asian and African Studies
|
2013
|
vol. 22
|
issue 1
112 – 130
EN
After its expulsion from Jordan in 1970, the Palestinian liberation movement began to operate from south Lebanon, where the mountains around Mt. Hermon offered favourable natural conditions for guerrilla activities. The weakness of the Lebanese state and support from some Lebanese factions and Arab states enabled the Palestinians to build a state within a state in Lebanon (similar to the one they had previously built in Jordan) with refugee camps under Palestinian control, all important Palestinian organizations having an independent base in Beirut and widespread infrastructure and fortifications in southern Lebanon. Palestinian guerrilla squads carried out attacks against Israel or fired rockets into their territory. There was a permanent cycle of Palestinian attacks and Israeli retaliations. However, Israeli bombing affected not only Palestinians but also Lebanese from the countryside – especially Shiites, thousands of whom were forced to flee their homes and move to the crowded suburbs of Beirut, angered by a government that did not protect them from the Palestinians or the Israelis. Moreover, conflicts arose between Palestinian armed groups and the Lebanese army, which was trying to prevent the assaults. Political tension in Lebanon was growing.
2

LEBANON DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF SHARIL EULW (1964 – 1970)

88%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2012
|
vol. 21
|
issue 1
86 – 105
EN
The relative calm of the regime of Fu’ad Shihab (Fouad Chehab) began to wither away during the presidential term of his successor Sharil Eulw (Charles Eelou). In many respects the new regime was supposed to be a continuation of the former one. Political, social and economic reforms were carried out as specified under the regime of Fu’ad Shihab. More important, the role of the army and its Deuxieme Bureau in decision-making remained intact and a hard-liner Shihabist, Ilyas Sarkis, wielded great power as the head of the presidential bureau. The new regime provided a convincing argument that not even Shihabist policies were capable of ameliorating Lebanon’s inherent problems. These problems were structural and could not be solved by reforms. Furthermore, these reforms interfered with the confessional arrangements in the political system and were not easy to implement at a time of relative calm in the region. When major disturbances such as the June 1967 war, began to occur in the area, even these innocuous reforms became unacceptable to the traditional and sectarian forces in the country.
3

COLLECTIVE IDENTITY OF LEBANESE MARONITES. BETWEEN THE WEST AND THE MIDLE-EAST ( Tozsamosc zbiorowa Maronitów libanskich. Miedzy Zachodem a Bliskim Wschodem)

88%
Moch M. B.
Przegląd Orientalistyczny
|
2009
|
issue 3-4 (230-231)
220-227
EN
Conscious of a complex and ambiguous character of the concept of collective identity, the author utilizes it in reference to the Maronite community in Lebanon, which constitutes the dominating part of internally diversified Lebanese Christianity. Political, religious and financial Maronite elites played significant and often decisive role in shaping contemporary Lebanese 'imagined community' and modern nation-state in Lebanon. The situation of such a political and symbolic impact of Christians on the concept of state in the Middle East is quite unique when compared with other Arab countries. The Maronite collective identity was built on the assumption that the group is capable of functioning as a link between the West and the Middle East. The article provides examples of an interaction between Maronites' Westernized consciousness and mostly Islamic and linguistically Arabic environment, such as questions of Maronite historiography, Phoenicianism as a Mediterranean component of collective identity, conception of consensus and National Pact as main pillars of the modern independent Lebanon, etc.
4

SYRIA AND THE CIVIL WAR IN LEBANON IN 1975 – 76

75%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2011
|
vol. 20
|
issue 2
193 – 213
EN
After 1970 the PLO, driven out of Jordan, made Lebanon its operational base. It did not want to enter the civil war, but it sided with any group that espoused Arab nationalism and wanted to liberate Palestine. It was a Maronite militia’s attacks on the Palestinians that sparked the fighting in April 1975, committing the PLO to the Arab nationalist side. The Lebanese conflict was also a struggle between a privileged class of landowners and merchants trying to preserve the status quo and a large mass of poor people (mainly Muslim) striving for more equality. The two main Lebanese parties of the conflict were the Phalanges, a largely Maronite force, and the Lebanese National Movement which was mainly Muslim. The Muslim side won the support of the PLO. One puzzling aspect of this civil war was Syria’s 1976 policy shift. At first President Eafi al-Asad backed the rebels both morally and materially. He managed to get the Christians to accept a cease-fire, but the Muslim Lebanese, abetted by the PLO, rejected his proposed compromise. This rejection made Eafi al-Asad change sides and his forces battered the Muslims and the PLO into submission by the autumn of 1976.
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