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1

EGALITARIAN NOSTALGIA: DO ATTITUDES TOWARDS INEQUALITIES DIVIDE POLISH SOCIETY?

100%
Sadowski I.
Studia Socjologiczne
|
2006
|
issue 2(181)
23-51
EN
A decade ago Wojciech Zaborowski has written: 'egalitarian attitudes should be recognised as the persistent element of consciousness of the Polish society'. Is that really so? To answer that question the author decided on a twofold approach to the issue: the overview of research on attitudes towards inequalities conducted in Poland since 1956 until first years of transition on the one hand and the analysis of survey data (PGSS) from 1992–2002 period on the other. In this way he tries to dissect egalitarian orientations which seem to be important component of the mentality of the Polish society in the process of system transition. He confronts the results of undertaken analysis with Walter G. Runciman's findings, whose research showed crucial role of relative deprivation in explaining egalitarian attitudes. In the light of the general conclusions the author tries to take a stand on broader issue of legitimization of socio-political system in contemporary Poland.
2

On Some Problems with the Notion of Legitimacy of the Political Power: Towards a Negative Concept of Legitimacy

100%
Kilias J.
Studia Socjologiczne
|
2005
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issue 1(178)
43-66
EN
The paper deals with the concept of 'egitimacy' of the political power. The author suggests that Max Weber cannot be considered a founder of the sociological discourse of legitimacy, as he only made use of a common category of legal studies. In fact, he rather tried to define distinct types of political authority then asked whether it is legitimate or not. The concept and the problem of legitimacy as conformity between values and political institutions is a descendant of a long philosophical debate on just government. Nevertheless, as a concept of the political sociology the term is not operational, as it refers to phenomena that belong to two incomparable domains: ambiguous and often indistinct values and actual political institutions. As a result, any solution of the problem of legitimacy is ambiguous and inherently political one. In fact, the question of legitimacy can only be asked when there is a political alternative, and in many cases it simply serves as an instrument to undermine the existent regime. In fact, the concept seems so popular exactly because it is an instrument that allows the scholar to manifest her own moral and political convictions.
3
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MALÉ OBCE ČI VEĽKÉ MESTÁ – KDE MAJÚ BLIŽŠIE K SVOJIM OBČANOM? GEOGRAFIA LEGITIMITY MOCI PO KOMUNÁLNYCH VOĽBÁCH

88%
Plešivčák M., Klobučník M., Buček J., Bačík V.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2022
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vol. 54
|
issue 3
217 – 243
EN
In 2022, further municipal elections await us, for the first time connected with elections to the bodies of higher territorial units (self-governing regions). This paper aims to evaluate the issue of elections of mayors in Slovakia in a longer period of time (2002-2018), in terms of the degree of legitimacy regarding the power of this post with respect to the size categories of municipalities by population and related election results. In the study, we work with nine size categories, in the case of the two largest cities (Bratislava and Košice) also separately. In addition, the issue is assessed at the local level - at the level of municipalities forming clusters within the territory of Slovakia on the basis of a similar degree of legitimacy, using the concept of spatial autocorrelation. For this purpose, an index evaluating legitimacy of power was constructed consisting of three components taking into account the level of electoral support, turnout and competition. As an additive indicator, in the case of individual size categories of municipalities we present the intensity of changes in the position of mayor in the municipal elections since 2002. Higher legitimacy of the office has been identified in the case of smaller municipalities, but it is declining over time. On the contrary, the urban environment is characterized by a lower degree of legitimacy, but with a positive outlook (the trend of strengthening the legitimacy of the mayor's post). However, the development of the values concerning the individual components of the index is considerably divergent over time when comparing different municipal size categories.
4

REPUBLICAN FREEDOM AND SUBJECTIVE LEGITIMACY OF POWER

88%
Gómez Gutiérrez J. J.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2020
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vol. 75
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issue 6
460 – 473
EN
This article examines the concept of republican political freedom in connection with three aspects of the relationship between subject and state: the subject as distinct from, or opposed to, the state; the subject as established by its constitutional definition; and the subject as a historical praxis of identification and de identification with its legal, recognised form. For this, firstly, I discuss the republican concept of freedom. This is followed by a reflection on the relationship between the individual and the modern state in terms of an analysis of the subjective legitimacy of power based on consent. Finally, I set out to examine republican political freedom from a historicist perspective, venturing some reflections on the relationship between the republican state as a promoter of freedom and historical liberating practices.
5

CONCEPTUALIZATION OF THE PRIVATE PROPERTY LEGITIMATION: THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL GROUNDS (Teoretyko-metodolohichni pidvalyny kontseptualizatsii legitymatsii pryvatnoi vlasnosti)

88%
Reznik V.
Sotsiolohiia: teoriia, metody, marketyng (Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing)
|
2010
|
issue 1
88-106
EN
Four periods of development of sociological interpretations of the legitimation phenomenon are differentiated: 1) 'primordium' - initial application of the concept of legitimation (M.Weber, W.Zombart, G.Zimmel); 2) 'theses' - development of the concept of legitimation within the framework of T.Parsons' version of the structural functionalism; 3) 'antitheses' - refutation of the previous 'theses' in connection with its supposed fallibility (Mills Ch., Gouldner A., Dahrendorf R., Berger P., Luckmann T., et al.); 4) 'syntheses' - attempts to overcome intentional contradictions between 'theses' and 'antitheses', that is: theoretical dilemmas of consensus/conflict, structure/action, micro/micro-level of analysis (Luhman N., Eisenstadt S., Blau P., Habermas J., Bourdieu P., Giddens A., et al.). Legitimation as such is defined as: a) social-psychological process which involves changes of legitimacy in time; b) purposeful activity of the legitimacy creation and its development. The generalized typology of legitimation is offered; it includes such forms of the latter as religious, cultural, social, economical, political, intellectual, law, communicative, and situational legitimation. The proto-sociological ideas fruitful in constructing the concept of private property legitimation are considered, as well as those of classic and modern theoretical sociology.
6

OBČIANSKA NEPOSLUŠNOSŤ A DEMOKRACIA

88%
Ferencei L.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2015
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vol. 8
|
issue 1
62 – 72
EN
The paper deals with the concept of civil disobedience and attempts to analyse it in the light of the works of Henry David Thoreau, Hannah Arendt and John Rawls, as well as other authors such as Ronald Dworkin or Phillip Dobler. The paper also explains the relationship between civil disobedience and other terms such as Max Weber’s three types of authority, legitimacy and the right to resistance. In its final section it seeks to find the meaning and purpose of civil disobedience for contemporary liberal democracy while trying to follow on in this perspective from the ideological heritage left to us by philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau.
7

THE CONCEPT OF THE POLITICAL AUTHORITY (Poniattia politychnoi instantsii)

88%
Descombes V.
Філософська Думка
|
2009
|
issue 4
21-29
EN
The paper proposes a new approach to the concept of the political authority based on author's conception of meaning institutions (institutions du sens). Author's analysis starts from an exploration of conceptions of political authority in G. Simmel's and A. Kojeve's writings. Simmel's analysis conceptualizing the relation of authority as an interactive relation along the line of Hegel's dialectics of master and servant arrives to the following paradox: the status of ruling authority proper to a ruling person A depends on the activity of the ruled person B. A. Kojeve solves this paradox noticing that the obedience of B to A's orders is a voluntary obedience. But this solution leads to Kojeve's paradox: now the authority must completely reside on both (the ruler A and the ruled person B). P. Wintch's idea considering the relation of authority as internal relation is proposed as a way out. According to the autho, two individuals have the same notion of authority due to the participation in the same social practices ('meaning institutions'). Hence the notion of political authority is essentially social notion.
8

ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF ELECTORAL POITICS AND THE CHOICE OF A PARTICULAR COUNTRY OF THEIR METHODS TO INCERASE THE VOTER TURNOUT

75%
Marmilova E.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2020
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vol. 13
|
issue 1
51 – 58
EN
Ensuring voter turnout in the elections is becoming a new urgent problem for leading politicians in Europe and the world. In the article, the author reveals a new trend in electoral politics: the use of restrictive models and qualification characteristics in Russia and in some foreign states to solve the problem of legitimization and delegation of political power in case of low turnout. The thematic range of the study concerns the specialized discussion within the Russian Federation. In the article, the author gives examples of restrictive models and qualification characteristics. These are the methods and mechanisms used by each country individually in order to increase the voter turnout. The author of the article came with the following conclusions. In Russia and in some foreign states, an identical tendency is observed for the emergence of new increasing models of voter turnout and the abolition of qualification characteristics, with the exception of those countries where participation in elections is mandatory. Thus, voter turnout is increasing in a safe manner for the state and for voters.
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