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Nowa Krytyka
|
2012
|
issue 28
139-155
EN
This paper discusses the signifi cance of a notion of “populism” for social philosophy based on the work of Ernesto Laclau. The fi rst part of the essay presents the background of Laclau’s theory, i.e. the studies of Le Bon, Gabriel Tarde, William McDougall and Sigmund Freud – their relations to the social practice and their theoretical consequences. The second part deals with the theory of populism of Ernesto Laclau. In accordance with the conception of Laclau, populism is described as a logic of the political. The last part takes into consideration the context of Laclau’s conception and asks if and how we can use “populism” as a descriptive category and not as the normative one. The thesis of the paper is that Laclau’s theory is useful for describing the politics and social movements in Poland in last fi ve years.
EN
Defining populism as a political articulation, rather than a specific ideology, Laclau has been one of the first scholars to show why the form and content of this phenomenon are strictly related. According to him, stylistic features such as vague, polarising and strong emotive discourse are not merely epiphenomenal elements of populism, which prove the irrationality of its ideology. They are constitutive elements of populism as they are necessary to create and maintain the division of society into two antagonistic blocs. Laclau’s theory of populism, however, has also been criticised for implicitly endorsing an authoritarian view of power. In this paper I argue that to better identify the source of the democratic deficit in such theory, we need to explore the combination of form and content it endorses. In order to do this I analyse Laclau’s account of the articulatory practices of populism, focusing on their rhetorical character in particular. My argument is that this account is democratically problematic, since being based on a merely formal understanding of rhetoric, inevitably reduces the rhetorical dimension of these practices to an instrumental and thus potentially manipulative logic. This logic presupposes and promotes a homogenised, passive, and unreflective idea of the “people”.
EN
Discourse Theory is a heterogeneous ensemble of approaches, which have recently brought some refreshment in the social and political sciences. Although it offers a kind of social ontology based on post-structuralist approach towards language and discourse, it does not provide with a given methodology, ready to use in empirical research. Hitherto prevailing researches have rather looked for empirical exemplifications of the assumed theory, than made their referential strategy clear and convincing. Therefore, an effort of supplementing the theoretical and methodological matrix with some definite research techniques, seems substantial. A more empirically oriented discourse research approaches as Critical Discourse Analysis or even lexicometrical research can be here of a great value. Although a significant differences in ontological assumptions can be observed, a combined research strategies, enabling well proved empirical research appear not impossible to work out and successfully utilise.
PL
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Praktyka Teoretyczna
|
2019
|
vol. 31
|
issue 1
94-117
PL
Załamanie się systemu socjalistycznego w Europie Wschodniej wiązało się z rozkwitem antykomunizmu, który w Polsce stał się jednym z dominujących dyskursów politycznych. Jest on ugruntowany w ustawodawstwie, oddziałuje na nauki społeczne i edukację, przenika kulturę popularną i pamięć zbiorową oraz wpływa na bieżące działania polityczne. Mimo to wciąż brakuje systematycznych analiz jego hegemonii. W niniejszym artykule podejmuję próbę zastosowania metodologii wypracowanej przez Martina Nonhoffa w oparciu o teorię dyskursu Ernesta Laclaua i Chantal Mouffe do dyskursu antykomunistycznego we współczesnej Polsce. Argumentuję, że w efekcie antagonistycznego podziału przestrzeni dyskursywnej komunizm staje się „powszechnym przestępstwem”, przeszkodą, która uniemożliwia polskiemu społeczeństwu pojednanie się z samym sobą i osiągnięcie (mitycznej) pełni.
EN
With the collapse of state socialism in Eastern Europe, anti-communism gained new momentum. In Poland, it has become a hegemonic discourse that manifests itself in (and reproduces itself through) legislation, public history, politics, and education, as well as pop culture. However, the discursive dominance of anti-communism has hardly been researched systematically. In this article, I aim to apply hegemony analysis, as developed by Martin Nonhoff – and based on Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s theory of discourse – to anti-communism in contemporary Poland. I give an overview of the methodology and discuss concrete analytical tools and their possible application and argue that, as a result of an antagonistic division of discursive space, communism becomes a “general crime”, an obstacle that prevents Polish society from finding “ultimate reconciliation with itself” and reaching its (mythical) fullness.
EN
Rosa Luxemburg is not only an economic author. In texts written indramatic days of 1905 revolution she presented a path-breaking account of constructionof political subjectivities, and thus revolutionary subject, in the very processof revolutionary struggles. The political dimension of her interventions shed anew light on her overall theoretical oeuvre. There is a constant tension between adetermination of revolutionary process by economy and a political construction ofrevolutionary subject out of plurality of social demands. This article is an attemptto “symptomally read” of her texts, as evidence – I argue – of her theoretical strugglewith the political – a radical contingency of the political dimension, whichemerged in the given historical circumstances. Therefore, her works from 1905period could be read as a very early attempt to comprehend the problem, whichwe are still dealing now in thinking revolutionary and emancipatory politics. However,a “closure”in the certain intellectual horizon prevented Luxemburg from drawingultimate consequences of this condition. Nevertheless, the political is still an “invisible cause” generating tension and peculiar theoretical oscillation in Luxemburg’s thinking.
PL
Róża Luksemburg to nie tylko teoretyczka ekonomii. Lektura jej tekstów pisanych w gorących dniach rewolucji 1905 roku ukazuje niezwykle ciekawe ujecie kształtowania się podmiotowości politycznych w procesie walk rewolucyjnych. Ich polityczny wymiar stawia w nowym świetle cały teoretycznydorobek autorki Akumulacji kapitału, ukazując nieustanne napięcie między zdeterminowaniem procesu rewolucyjnego przez czynniki ekonomiczne a politycznym konstruowaniem podmiotu rewolucyjnego z wielości walk społecznych. Artykuł jest próbą „lektury symptomalnej” tekstów Luksemburg,która – jak argumentuję – na skutek specyficznych okoliczności historycznych – zmagała się z tym, co polityczne: radykalną, konieczną kontyngencją pola politycznego. Prace Luksemburg oferują płodną teoretyzację procesówkształtowania tożsamości politycznych, ale przede wszystkim są zapisem pierwszych prób konceptualizacji „źródłowego” problemu polityczności, z którym my również się mierzymy. „Zamknięcie” w horyzoncie pojęciowym jej czasu powoduje niemożliwość opracowania w pełni wynikających zeń konsekwencji – polityczność jest jednak niewidoczną przyczyną generującą ciągłe napięcia i oscylacje w jej myśleniu.
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