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EN
The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.
EN
Social policy development in Liberia falls short in representing the voices of the country’s 180,000 people 65+ in determining policies aimed at enhancing their quality of life. There are the lack of legislation and a national social protection policy for older people’s rights, including housing, health care and transportation which may enhance exclusion practices of the elderly. The continued neglect of older people in Liberia did manifest significantly during the deadly Ebola outbreak in the country in 2014, which claimed the lives of over 4,800 persons and over 10,000 Ebola-infected persons (Slewion, 2015). The Government’s National Ebola Response Policy specifically mentioned women and children as the vulnerable groups amid the health crisis. Meanwhile older people, who we refer to as the most “vulnerable of the vulnerable” social groups were not mentioned. Now when the government is appointsing national structures and mechanisms to respond to the prevailing global pandemic manifested by the Coronavirus also known as COVID-19 we are witnessing the same situation. Data were collected and reviewed based on Personal Social and Home Assessments of 200 Older People, as part of a national Older People Stay-At-Home Campaign launched on May 15, 2020, and being implemented by the Coalition of Caregivers and Advocates for the Elderly in Liberia (COCAEL). Preliminary findings suggest, among others, that there is a continued neglect and marginalization of older people in Liberia during the COVID-19 pandemic. The government has no global action plan on how to ensure the older persons safety and needs in Covid-19 pandemia. Due to the lack of the elderly empowerment in Liberia through social protection programs the seniors' quality of life remain low or even worsen because of present higher risk of serious ilness of Covid-19 and poverty.
EN
The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.
PL
Interwar Poland's growing need for raw materials and new trade routes encouraged many social activists to argue for the acquisition of, or at least access to, colonies. Initially, this Polish colonial milieu connected the concept of creating pioneer settlements to the concept of channeling economic emigration to South America. After the creation of the Maritime and Colonial League (Liga Morska i Kolonialna) in 1930, the two concepts became partly separated as the Polish colonial milieu’s focus shifed to Africa. The Polish government endorsed activities intended to spread Polish influence in colonial areas: for example, it tacitly supported settlement projects in Angola, as well as a strictly confidential “Liberian action plan” for inciting an autochthonous uprising in Liberia and/or taking over that country’s finances. At the same time, unlike the revisionist powers, Poland attempted to satisfy its perceived needs in colonial matters through the international system. Moreover, Warsaw’s attitude toward the colonial question, made public in late 1936, was a matter of diplomacy. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Józef Beck, used colonial aspirations as diplomatic tools to detract Hitler’s attention from Europe and to prevent Western appeasement from taking place at Poland’s expense. In addition, his ministry incorporated the perceived need for Jewish emigration from Poland into colonial policies, especially in the context of Polish-French negotiations over Madagascar. By September 1939, however, the “Jewish question” was separated from Poland’s colonial policies in discourse and practice. The question of Polish colonies emerged for the last time during World War II, when certain officials of the Polish government-in-exile, failing to predict the quick collapse of the colonial system in the world, suggested channeling refugees and soldiers to Africa to create a basis for future Polish claims to colonial territories.
PL
Wojna domowa w Liberii rozpoczęła się w 1989 r., kiedy kraj ten został zaatakowany przez rebeliantów z Narodowego Frontu Patriotycznego Liberii (National Patriotic Front of Liberia, NPFL), kierowanego przez Charlesa Taylora. W Sierra Leone natomiast wojna domowa została zapoczątkowana w 1991 r. przez Zjednoczony Front Rewolucyjny (Revolutionary United Front, RUF), dowodzony przez Fodaya Sankoha. Artykuł opisuje specyfikę konfliktów w Liberii i Sierra Leone. Omawia kontekst społeczny i gospodarczy wojen, a także przyczyny ich długotrwałości. Ponadto przedstawia działania społeczności międzynarodowej na rzecz zakończenia przedłużającej się wojny domowej w Sierra Leone oraz znaczenie polityki „broń za diamenty”. W artykule wykorzystana została historyczno-analityczna metoda badawcza.
EN
The civil war in Liberia began in 1989, when the country was attacked by the rebels of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) led by Charles Taylor. In Sierra Leone the civil war was initiated in 1991 by Revolutionary United Front (RUF) led by Foday Sankoh. The article describes the specifics of the conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone. It discusses social and economic context of the wars as well as causes of their longevity. In addition, it presents the international community actions for ending the prolonged civil war in Sierra Leone and the importance of the policy “weapon for diamonds”. The article uses a historical-analytical method of research.
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