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EN
The aim of this article is to discuss how the Priscilliann’s thought corresponds to Gnostic-Manichaean doctrine. There is no doubt that Priscillian in his writings presents himself as an expert on various heterodox movements of his time. The true sources of Priscillianism need to be sought at the metaphysical level.
EN
The 123rd Cathedral Homily of the early sixth-century Monophysite patriarch Severus of Antioch features a series of textual citations drawn from a Manichaean work. Modern scholars have noted certain affinities these citations share with materials contained in prior Christian polemicists such as Titus of Bostra and Theodoret, and they have offered largely speculative suggestions about the possible identity of the written source. The present paper seeks to advance the critical discussion surrounding this source by calling attention to the existence of what appear to be ‘later’ versions of this same source in some Arabic language testimonia about Mani and Manichaeism.
Open Theology
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2014
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vol. 1
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issue 1
EN
The relationship between religion and science is a hotly debated issue, which has triggered new approaches and redefinitions of fundamental notions worldwide. This paper presents a preliminary sketch of the Manichaean attitude towards natural phenomena, thus exploring the question of the relation of religion to science-even if these notions are not necessarily applicable for early, non-European phenomena-in a historical context. In my survey, I use the Coptic Kephalaia, a fourth-century Manichaean text from Egypt, to highlight some instances (the Sun and the Moon, clouds, vegetation and animals, the salty sea, shadow, and earthquake) that characteristically reflect the unique, early Manichaean attitude to the physical world.
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The Problem of Evil in Józef Tischner's Philosophy

88%
Forum Philosophicum
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2007
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vol. 12
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issue 2
277-291
EN
The problem of evil is a metaphysical problem bound up with the conditions of human existence. The radical evil of fascism and communism, according to Józef Tischner, opens up the possibility that we live in the time of a modern Manichaeism, understood as having two faces: nihilism and pessimism. The possibility of thinking of such a modem form of Manichaeism necessarily calls for a new inquiry into the question of evil. For Tischner, evil, like good, is not an object, but something in which man participates, and for this reason it cannot be objectified and defined. One can only ask how it appears.
Vox Patrum
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2008
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vol. 52
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issue 2
1199-1211
PL
W Prose Refutations Efrem Syryjczyk polemizuje nie tylko z manicheizmem, ale również z heretyckimi poglądami Bardesanesa i Marcjona. Zamiarem autora Prose Refutations było zdemaskowanie podobieństw i różnic w nauce zwalczanych systemów oraz sprostowanie błędnych opinii na ich temat. Problem badawczy podjęty w artykule wyznaczony został przez pytania o obiektywizm syryjskiego Polemisty w prezentacji zwalczanych herezji. Efrem nazywa Bardesanesa „syryjski filozof’, „nauczyciel Manesa”, „starszy brat (Manesa)”. Podobnie marcjonici otrzymują status przodków manichejczyków i nazwę „starsi bracia”. W nauce Bardesanesa Efrem krytykował tezy nauki kosmologicznej, zaś w sporach z nauczaniem Marcjona akcentował jego biblijny charakter. Zdaniem Efrema wszystkie herezje są złe, ale w różnej mierze: wszystkie wprowadzają zamieszanie, jednak najgorszy jest manicheizm.
EN
This paper gathers together evidence that the Manichaean cosmogony was originally based on a trinitarian structure (Father, Mother, Child). This basic triad was subsequently expanded into various hypostases as the Manichaean myth evolved over time and across linguistic contexts.
10
71%
EN
Augustine rejected the Manichean claim that freedom was something illusory. It was precisely in debates with the Manicheans that he forged his doctrine of evil as a lack of good where it ought to exist. Freedom, necessarily directed toward good and justice, is the opposite of coercion, but concurrently cannot be reconciled with evil and sin, whereas our real freedom is never in discord with the absolute transcendence of God.
PL
Augustyn odrzucał manichejską tezę, jakoby wolność była czymś iluzorycznym. Właśnie w dyskusjach z manichejczykami wykuwał swoją naukę, że zło jest brakiem dobra tam, gdzie ono być powinno. Wolność, w sposób konieczny ukierunkowana ku dobru i sprawiedliwości, jest prze- ciwieństwem przymusu, ale zarazem nie da się jej pogodzić ze złem i grzechem. Natomiast nasza realna wolność nigdy nie kłóci się z absolutną transcendencją  Boga.
Verbum Vitae
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2022
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vol. 40
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issue 1
99-115
EN
Based on the Wednesday catecheses of John Paul II on the theology of the body, the article presents the essential elements of the ethos of human corporeality. It highlights the innovative approach of the Pope, who changed the perspective of teaching in this realm. When speaking of married life, for example, it does not start with duties and principles, nor does it stop at them, but instead shows those obligations and principles as an expression of a sublime call to holiness. In its own way, this approach “flows into the deep”, teaching not so much “freedom from” as “freedom to”. For the sake of cognitive realism, the Pope made Scripture the starting point for this teaching, where, especially in the Book of Genesis, he finds “God’s plan for marriage and family”. In characterizing the ethos of the body, attention is drawn to the beauty of the body, closely related to human dignity, even if it is crushed by disease and weakness. To this essential beauty, the mature response of faith is emotion and delight. As to the gift of sexuality, it is characterized by unity in diversity, by absolute equality, and by mutual complementarity. Purity is presented in an original way, as a natural consequence of one's sense of the sacredness (sacrum) of the human body. Manichean contempt for the body is dismissed as a heresy alien to Christianity: The human body cannot be held suspect, but only summoned. An eloquent sign of the body’s call to holiness is the fact that sexual intercourse is an integral part of the sacramental sign of marriage (ratum et consumatum).
PL
Na podstawie katechez środowych Jana Pawła II, poświęconych teologii ciała, artykuł ukazuje zasadnicze elementy etosu cielesności człowieka. Uwypukla nowatorskie podejście papieża, który zmienił perspektywę nauczania w tym względzie, i mówiąc o życiu małżeńskim, wychodzi nie od obowiązków i zasad, ani na nich nie poprzestaje, lecz ukazuje je jako wzniosłe powołanie do świętości, którego te obowiązki i zasady są konsekwencją. W sobie właściwy sposób „wypływa na głębię” i uczy wolności nie tyle „od”, co „do”. W trosce o realizm poznawczy punktem wyjścia tego nauczania uczynił Pismo Święte, gdzie, szczególnie w Księdze Rodzaju, odczytuje „Boży plan względem małżeństwa i rodziny”. Charakteryzując etos ciała, najpierw zwraca się uwagę na piękno ciała, ściśle związane z godnością człowieka, chociażby był on zmiażdżony chorobą i słabościami; piękno, wobec którego dojrzałą odpowiedzią wiary jest wzruszenie i zachwyt. Następnie omawia się dar płciowości, którą charakteryzuje jedność w różnorodności, bezwzględna równość oraz wzajemna komplementarność. Czystość ukazuje się w oryginalny sposób jako konsekwencję poczucia sacrum ludzkiego ciała. Odrzuca się manichejską pogardę dla ciała jako herezję obcą chrześcijaństwu. Ciało ludzkie nie może być podejrzane, ale wezwane. Wymownym znakiem powołania ciała do świętości jest fakt, że współżycie w ciele stanowi integralną część sakramentalnego znaku małżeństwa (ratum et consumatum).    
EN
Author, in connection with his study on the interests in Gnosticism and Manichaeism in Polish non-fiction publications of 1890-1939 period, analyses if Western esotericism in the sources of mentioned period is understood as kind of the esoteric tradition which is opened by Gnosticism. The basis of this research are two evidences from 1926: translation of a book Ewolucja boska. Od Sfinksa do Chrystusa by Édouard Schuré (1841-1929) as well as an article Teozofia w dziejach błędów ludzkich by Marian Morawski (1881-1940). Author, considering this issue, refers also to the Gnostic and anti-Gnostic sources of Late Antiquity.
PL
Autorzy współczesnych opracowań na temat ezoteryki zachodniej często mówią o niej – w swoim imieniu lub przytaczając opinie źródeł – jako o swego rodzaju tradycji ezoterycznej, na początku której znajduje się późnostarożytny gnostycyzm lub hermetyzm, a jednym z najważniejszych ogniw są rodzące się na przełomie XIX i XX wieku teozofia i antropozofia . W związku z tą obserwacją oraz z moimi badaniami na temat zainteresowania gnostycyzmem i manicheizmem w polskich publikacjach non-fiction w latach 1890-1939, postanowiłem zbadać, jak ówcześni (tj. osoby zainteresowane ezoteryką na przełomie XIX i XX wieku jako jej zwolennicy lub przeciwnicy) postrzegali to zjawisko duchowo-religijne. Czy rzeczywiście rozumieli je jako tradycję? Jeśli tak, to z jakich ogniw miała się składać? Jaka jest jej bliższa charakterystyka? Jaką rolę odgrywali w niej starożytni gnostycy?
EN
This paper discusses the relation between Stanislaw Przybyszewski’s writings and the artistic manifesto Confiteor. It demonstrates that the novel Devil’s Children in the context of the dissertation Devil’s Synagogue implements the manifesto. The analysis of the works reveals the Manichaean deposits of spiritual archeology in Przybyszewski’s characters as Slavs. The analysis demonstrates that only the author is aware of the destructive nature of the radically anti-world theological, cosmological, anthropological, and eschatological dualism. The characters are masks of his subconscious which is brought into daylight. The Slavic children of the Devil, similarly to Fyodor Dostoevsky’s characters, by destroying the world destroy themselves. Their manner of self-destruction is the destruction of the world. They commit suicide, they die of the illness of the soul, they murder, they set fires, and they long for the end of the world in the glowing of fire. Their fates are displayed as a cautionary tale against a regression into the dark subconscious. The lack of individualization, that is the restraint of driving urges and not including them in the structure of personality, is explained by the author of the article to be an eruption of destructiveness predicting the 20th century revolutions and crimes of totalitarianism.
14
63%
Studia Religiologica
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2013
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vol. 46
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issue 1
55–63
EN
The author examines the scope and sources of St Augustine’s knowledge of Manichaeism. He mostly follows the thesis of J.K. Coyle, that as a Christian and anti-Manichaean polemicist, Augustine obtained additional information about the “Religion of Light”. To illustrate Augustine-the-Manichaean and Augustine-the-polemicist’s knowledge of the religion of Mani, the author includes two lengthy excerpts from his writings: from the 7th book of Confessiones and the treatise De natura boni, which features a quotation from the Manichaean work Treasure. The author provides a special comment on this extract.
EN
I focus on the monastery life in Europe and its predomination of vita contemplativa upon vita activa. It is not hard to distinguish within Christianity its Manichaean component whose characteristic feature is a grudge against matter, body and sexuality. This complexity of ideas brought about the contempt of vital elements of human existence, so that its animal past, still present in Zivilisationsprozess. An alternative anthropology inspired by an evolutionism should based on the presumption that only through the appreciation of an animal dimension of us—instead of monastic desire of becoming an angel—will it be possible to create new perspectives for renegotiation of the human– animal boundaries.
PL
Augustine of Hippo was the most eminent Church theologian at the close of antiquity. His influence is perceptible until the present day. The path which led him to Christianity was typical for the period of the late Roman Empire, when various religious currents would contend. It seems that the problems of antique culture were of secondary significance in his conversion.  
EN
The text is an attempt to draw the reader attention to the importance of mechanisms and potential effects of political narrations of Manichaean antagonism. The author assesses that these type of narrations, par­ticularly when they grow to the status of the official political propaganda, constitute the significant threat to liberal democracy. An axiological antagonism is determining the creation of a state of political war, makes impossible the dialogue and the cooperation between political groups. The rival is taken as the enemy, and political arche is an aspiration to destroy him. Such a scheme is a great challenge for the political pluralism. Antagonistic narrations, especially marked with Gnostic and Manichaean elements most often apply ma­nipulative reductions in complex reality, relying on such public instructions as: low political competence, mistrust, authoritarian and paranoid tendencies.
Vox Patrum
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2013
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vol. 60
275-288
EN
In the Church of the first centuries some Fathers of the Church used the Apocrypha. But, the general tendency, which we can notice in the fourth century theology, is resignation from using them. It was connected, among other things, with creating the biblical canon. In Priscillian’s opinion, it is allowed to use the Apocrypha. The bishop of Avila propagating the right to use them contributed to spreading them, especial­ly in Spain and Mediterranean Gaul. Priscillian was favourable to these texts, but careful, and so were some of the Fathers of the Church. In spite of it, it was reading the Apocrypha that contributed to accusing him of Manichaeism and Gnosticism. Mani and his followers also took advantage of the Apocrypha using novel extracts in which a fight for purity dominates and characters’ indomitabi­lity is shown. The anti-Priscillian literature unanimously condemned reading the Apocrypha by Priscillianists. The synod in Toledo does it as well as the first synod in Braga, the popes Innocent I and Leon the Great and the writers Augustinian, Orosius, Turibius. The Priscillianists refering to the Apocrypha created sabellian conception of the Holy Trinity. Various texts presumably edited by the Priscillianists (Monarchiani Prologues, The Revelation of St. Thomas, Pseudo-Titus Letter) contain references to the Apocrypha. It should be noticed that the Priscillianist exegetic principle was to explain canon books by means of other texts. Besides, D. de Bruyne pre­sents the Apocrypha ascribed to the Priscillianists; this collection comprises the following texts: Collectio de diversis sententiis, Apocalypsis, Sermo S. Augustini Episcopi, Homilia de die iudicii, De parabolis Salomonis, Liber ,,canon in Ebreica” Hieronymi presbyteri. He also made an attempt to establish a probable list of the Apocrypha which the Priscillian community might have used.
Vox Patrum
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2016
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vol. 65
631-651
EN
The original Latin catalogue of heresies, produced by Saint Philastrius of Brescia in the second half of IVth century, encompasses several observations re­garding the source of early Christian heterodox movements. These views are dis­persed and interwoven into the analysis of particular heresies, and as such do not constitute an integral and standalone teaching on the nature of unorthodoxy and its genesis. The present work attempts at enucleating this standpoint and summari­sing it in a comprehensive and complementary manner. Regarding the issue of the foundation of heresy, Philastrius proposed his own point of view based on the following threefold argumentation: the theological (Satan is the father of all the world’s heterodoxy – comprehended as a lapse form God’s truth), the moral (heresies rise due to one’s pride), and historical and cul­tural (errors in early Christian doctrine derive from the Judaic sects or else from the counterfactual views of the ancient Greek philosophers). Philastrius’ perspective refers back to an extensive and modestly younger work Panarion by Epiphanius of Salamis, in which the topic of Jewish-deriving deviations from the doctrine was treated even more at length. The Bishop of Brescia’s index has been the inspiration for the later catalogues of unorthodoxy by St. Augustine (narrow in the topic of Judaic origins of heretical movements and rather focused on influences from the ancient philosophical schools) and Isidore of Seville (intermingling both sources of early heretical movements – i.e. Judaic and Greek – withholding the determination which of them has in fact more influ­enced the uprising of heterodoxy and the doctrine itself).
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