Search results

1

Adapa and the Ritual Process

100%

Michałowski P.

Rocznik Orientalistyczny

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vol. Rocznik Orientalistyczny, T. 41, Z. 2 (1980)

2

Choroba jako wynik działania czarownicy, bóstwa, demona lub ducha na przykładzie mezopotamskich tekstów magicznych i medycznych

100%

Nicko-Stępień P.

Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne

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2018

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vol. XXV

5-20

EN

The aim of this article is to show the influence of witches, demons, ghosts, and gods on human health in Ancient Mesopotamia. Mesopotamian medicine was based on magic and considered illness to be the work of a supernatural power. Ashu and ashipu – doctors of body and soul – worked together to diagnose and help the patient. Sometimes prayers and magical rituals were necessary for a patient to get well; often, only a herbal mixture was needed. Mesopotamian magical and medical texts describe many kinds of diseases: somatic, mental, and others. Among these are: fever, headaches, leprosy, epilepsy, blindness, impotency, paralysis. This article is an effort to analyse Mesopotamian prescriptions, incantations, and medical interventions and to answer questions about the health of ancient mankind.

3

Abraham – ojciec wiary w tradycji biblijnej

88%

Krawczyk R.

Studia Elbląskie

|

2013

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vol. 14

115-130

EN

The history of Israel is connected with Abraham, who is depicted in the Bible not only in the genealogical sense – as the protoplast of the Israeli nation but also in the religious sense – as “the father of faith” for he is the pillar of both Jewish and Christian faith. Those who believe in one God, touch the person of Abraham, constantly refer to his experience of faith and reflect upon it themselves. The author of this paper focuses on the analysis of the problems contained in the following statement “Abraham – the father of faith in biblical tradition” The paper consists of three parts. In the first part, the author presents Abraham as a historic figure, based on biblical and extra-biblical sources. The second part is devoted to the analysis of biblical sources that present Abraham as the father of “believers”. In the third part of the paper, the author discusses New Testament sources relating to the kerygma of Abraham, based on the Letter to the Romans, Letter to the Galatians, and Letter to the Hebrews.

4

Prawo handlowe starożytności przedrzymskiej oczyma dogmatyka. Uwagi na marginesie książki Marco Ciana Le antiche leggi del commercio

88%

Sorka K.

Forum Prawnicze

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2018

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issue 3 (47)

100–112

EN

The paper presents remarks made after reading the book of the Italian commer- cial law scholar, Marco Cian. His work considers ancient commercial statutes as prototypes of commercial law as such. Contrarily, the traditional doctrine recognizes the beginning of commercial law merely in medieval times. It is hard to find in antiquity the concept of commercial law similar to the modern one as a separate branch of private law. However, the chieftains of small Hebrew tribes or Pharaohs wanted to affect somehow the production or trade with their laws. Marco Cian concentrates on ancient Egypt, Mesopotamian codes, and Hebrew law. His last chapter is dedicated to Greek laws. It is seriously disappointing that the book omits issues connected with Roman law. Despite the fact that Roman legal experience is especially productive and instructive in that aspect and included in the title literally, the author decided that it has already been studied well enough by scholars.

5

IDEA CZŁOWIEKA I BÓSTWA W STAROŻYTNOŚCI CZĘŚĆ II: Mesopotamian Divination. Some Historical, Religious and Anthropological Remarks

75%

Ulanowski K.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

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2014

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vol. 15(4)

PL

Divination was a salient characteristic of Mesopotamian civilization. Divination was basedon the idea that to some extent the future is pre-determined; but that the gods, especiallyShamash and Adad (“Shamash, lord of the judgment, Adad, lord of the inspection”), havemade available to man certain indications of the future (omens and portents) in the worldaround him, which can be interpreted (divined) by experts with specialist knowledge. Ea,along with these two gods, was credited as one of the founders of divination. The future ascrystallized in the present was not considered by the Babylonians as solely a creation of thegods but as the result of a dialogue between man and god. The Mesopotamians believedthat the gods wrote the future into the universe, and that this is why the world could beread by those who were wise enough (certain priests and scholars). The organic body wasseen as a text. Specially prepared priests could explain the signs sent down by the gods(in Akkadian, the word pašāru means a multi-layered reading or decipherment of texts).Therefore, even if the gods founded divination, man played a vital role in the process andwas a vital link, a near equal and irreplaceable part of the process as a whole.

6

River Transport in Mesopotamia (5900–539 BC)

75%

Hnaihen K. H.

Światowit

|

2020

|

vol. 59

141-151

EN

Water transport was the earliest mode of transport in ancient Mesopotamia. Thanks to the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, which run along the whole length of Mesopotamia, and a network of canals, river transport facilitated communication, exchange, as well as cultural and military contacts between towns. This paper focuses on the riverine transport in Mesopotamia and its development from the Ubaid (5900–4200 BC) to the Neo-Babylonian period (626–539 BC). The importance of river transport in Mesopotamia is discussed, considering its role as a means of communication, exchange of goods and ideas, and a factor influencing the sociopolitical transformation in the region. Watercraft is discussed to the full extent, with particular emphasis on different types of ships and their functions. The chronological development of watercraft in Mesopotamia is also analysed based on boat models, cuneiform texts, and representations of boats in the art.

7

THE IDEA OF MAN AND DIVINITY IN ANTIQUITY PART II: Mesopotamian Divination. Some Historical, Religious and Anthropological Remarks

75%

Ulanowski K.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

|

2014

|

vol. 15(4)

EN

Divination was a salient characteristic of Mesopotamian civilization. Divination was basedon the idea that to some extent the future is pre-determined; but that the gods, especiallyShamash and Adad (“Shamash, lord of the judgment, Adad, lord of the inspection”), havemade available to man certain indications of the future (omens and portents) in the worldaround him, which can be interpreted (divined) by experts with specialist knowledge. Ea,along with these two gods, was credited as one of the founders of divination. The future ascrystallized in the present was not considered by the Babylonians as solely a creation of thegods but as the result of a dialogue between man and god. The Mesopotamians believedthat the gods wrote the future into the universe, and that this is why the world could beread by those who were wise enough (certain priests and scholars). The organic body wasseen as a text. Specially prepared priests could explain the signs sent down by the gods(in Akkadian, the word pašāru means a multi-layered reading or decipherment of texts).Therefore, even if the gods founded divination, man played a vital role in the process andwas a vital link, a near equal and irreplaceable part of the process as a whole.

8

Moningad markused nelja ilmakaare kuninga ja jumal-kuninga kontseptsiooni kohta Sumeris ja Akkadis 3. at eKr

75%

Sazonov V.

Mäetagused

|

2020

|

vol. 78

173-184

EN

This article is dedicated to the issues related to the King of the Four Corners and the God-King in ancient Sumer and Akkad in the 3rd millennium BCE. The author shows that the title King of the Four Corners has always deified the ruler, but the ruler who used the title King of the Universe never claimed divinity. What conclusions can we draw? Except in two cases – the case of Erri-dupizir and the case of Utu-ḫeĝal – all kings who used the title king of the four corners were deified. Erri-dupizir was a foreigner, more a warlord or tribal chief of the Gutians than a king, but he tried to legitimate his power by using Akkadian-Sumerian formulas, among them royal titles. Utu-ḫeĝal freed Sumer from the Gutians’ yoke and re-introduced old Sumero-Akkadian ideological elements, among them the king of the four corners, because he wanted to be as powerful and strong as the Akkadian king Narām-Su’en, who was an example for Utu-ḫeĝal. We do not have any proof regarding the deification of Utu-ḫeĝal, as he ruled only 6–7 years, and we have only a few texts from the time of his reign. More interesting is the fact that none of the Sumerian or Akkadian kings who used the title king of the universe in the 3rd millennium and even in the early 2nd millennium BCE (Isin-Larsa period) were deified (at least we do not have a firm proof). How to explain this phenomenon? Firstly, I think the title king of the four corners had a slightly different meaning than king of the universe; however, both are universalistic titles. The title king of the four corners was probably seen as a wider and more important universalistic title in the sense not only of universal rule, but also of ruling the divine universe and divine spheres (heaven, sun, stars, etc.). It seems that it included some kind of divine aspect, while at least the Sumerian version of the title lugal an-ubda-limmuba means “king of the heaven’s four corners”. The title king of the four corners was related to the universe order, to the sun and the cosmos, and to cosmic divine powers, and they were connected to the universal order. We can see that sometimes the title king of the four corners was used to refer to gods in Ancient Mesopotamia – for example in the case of the god Tišpak in Ešnunna – but never king of the universe. Secondly, early dynastic rulers (e.g. Lagash or Uruk), who never used universalistic titles for themselves, addressed universalistic expressions and epithets to the main gods – e.g., Enlil, Ningirsu, etc. For example, Lugal-kiğine-dudu of Uruk claimed: “Enlil, king of all lands, for Lugal-kiğine-dudu – when the god Enlil truly summoned him, and (Enlil) combined (both) lordship and kingship for him”. Thirdly, ruling over all the lands from east to west or over the corners of the universe – these epithets may be used for gods. LUGAL KIŠ (later Akkadian šar kiššati(m)) in its early original meaning was seen only as “ruler over Kiš (or ruler over (the northern part of) Sumer)”; it was an important though more regional and geographic title. Fourthly, only much later did it acquire the meaning king of the universe but I am not sure about that meaning at all. In that case, king of the four corners had a different meaning; the title designated not only ruling over the world but it probably included some kind of divine aspect as well (Michalowski 2010). In that case the title šar kibrāt arbaˀi(m) – king of the four corners could be seen as more universal than LUGAL KIŠ (šar kiššati(m)). There still remain several questions which need to be solved: Was LUGAL KIŠ in its Akkadian form šar kiššati(m) a universalistic title at all? Or was LUGAL KIŠ a hegemonic title showing certain hegemonic rule or lordship over (all) Sumer (and Akkad?) but not including the whole world (here: Mesopotamia)? Could it be for this reason that the king who used the title king of the four corners had to be deified but the king who was LUGAL KIŠ had not?

9

‘Bottle-brush’ Tree and Its Role in Creating Standard Compositions on Neo-Assyrian Seals in the Linear-style

75%

Iskra M.

|

2016

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vol. 29

67–73

EN

Neo-Assyrian glyptics produced several standard compositions which were repeatedly reproduced over the three centuries of the Neo-Assyrian empire’s existence, as attested by the numerous seals engraved with almost identical scenes of rituals or hunts. The canon of these compositions could be upheld by applying a rigid scheme in the scenes’ planning and maintaining the same technique of their execution. The seal-cutters often used simple incisions as outlines for the planned scene, which they subsequently masked as floral elements resembling a bottle-brush. These elements of the compositions provide a key to exploring the seal-engraving techniques of the first millennium BC.

10

Obraz świata podziemnego w świetle wybranych mitów mezopotamskich

63%

Goniszewski P.

Studia Koszalińsko-Kołobrzeskie

|

2020

|

issue 27

31-47

PL

Artykuł ten przedstawia wyobrażania mieszkańców Mezopotamii o świecie podziemnym w wybranych mitach w języku sumeryjskim (Zejście Inany do świata podziemnego) i akadyjskim (Zejście Isztar do świata podziemnego; Nergal i Ereszkigal i Sen księcia Kummy). Obraz krainy umarłych zawarty w pismach sumeryjskich został przejęty i rozwijany w tradycji akadyjskiej. Według wierzeń mieszkańców Mezopotamii miejsce, gdzie po śmierci udawali się zmarli, było położone pod powierzchnią ziemi i praoceanem wód. Swoim wyglądem przypominało starożytne sumeryjskie miasto, co odzwierciedlało urbanistyczną mentalność mieszkańców Międzyrzecza. Należało pokonać rzekę, która prawdopodobnie nawiązywała do systemów irygacyjnych, i przekroczyć bramy, by dostać się do mrocznego polis, w którego centrum znajdował się pałac-świątynia. Świat podziemny okryty był mrokiem i wszechobecnym pyłem. Ludzie po śmierci wiedli bierną egzystencję, często porównywaną do snu. W krainie umarłych obecne były te same struktury społeczne co na ziemi. Królowie, notable, kapłani zachowywali swoją pozycję i ich stan był nieco lepszy od kondycji zwykłych zmarłych. Los człowieka po śmierci można było poprawić poprzez godny pochówek i regularne ofiary. Śmierć była stanem wiecznym, jedyny kontakt ze światem żywych zapewniała praktyka nekromancji oraz fakt nawiedzania bliskich w przypadku zaniedbywania ofiar. Zaświaty zamieszkiwał ogromny panteon bóstw i hybrydalnych istot, na którego czele stała mroczna para, bogini Ereszkigal i bóg Nergal. Bogowie nieba i ziemi nie mieli władzy nad tą częścią kosmosu, ich także obowiązywały surowe prawa krainy umarłych.

EN

This article presents the ideas of the inhabitants of Mesopotamia about the Netherworld in selected myths in the Sumerian language (Descent of Inana into the Netherworld) and Akkadian (Descent of Ishtar into the Netherworld; Nergal and Ereshkigal and The Dream of Prince Kumma). The image of the land of the dead contained in the Sumerian scriptures was taken over and developed in the Akkadian tradition. According to the beliefs of the inhabitants of Mesopotamia, the place where the dead went after death was located below the surface of the earth and the ancient ocean. It resembled an ancient Sumerian city, which reflected the urban mentality of Mesopotamia. People after death lead a passive existence often compared to sleep. The same social structures as on earth were present in the land of the dead. Kings, notables, priests kept their position and their condition was slightly better than that of ordinary dead. The fate of man after death could be improved by a dignified burial and regular sacrifices. Death was an eternal condition, the only contact with the dawn of the living ensured the practice of necromancy and the fact of haunting loved ones in the event of neglect of victims. The underworld was inhabited by a huge pantheon of deities and hybrid beings, headed by a dark couple, the goddess Ereshkigal and the god Nergal. The gods of heaven and earth did not have power over this part of the cosmos, and they were also bound by the strict laws of the land of the dead.

11

IDEA CZŁOWIEKA I BÓSTWA W STAROŻYTNOŚCI CZĘŚĆ I: The influence of creation and pursuit of immortality on human status in Mesopotamia

63%

Ulanowski K.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

|

2014

|

vol. 15(3)

13-30

PL

The article deals with the issues surrounding the creation of humanity and its aspirations to immortality. The two issues are treated with great piety in mythology, literature and strictly religious works. One can even recognize that they are a kind of leitmotif of local issues related to the human condition. While creation tries to arrange man as a tool in the hands of the gods, so man in his quest for the immortality tries to achieve divine status. This widely recognized theory, especially concerning the creation of man, has a number of exemptions, which the author presents step-by-step in Sumerian and Akkadian literature. In Mesopotamian mythology anthropological threads intermingle with the philosophical, all this in order to find a satisfactory answer to the most important questions about man and his relationship with the divine.

12

THE IDEA OF MAN AND DIVINITY IN ANTIQUITY PART I: The influence of creation and pursuit of immortality on human status in Mesopotamia

63%

Ulanowski K.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

|

2014

|

vol. 15(3)

13-30

EN

The article deals with the issues surrounding the creation of humanity and its aspirations to immortality. The two issues are treated with great piety in mythology, literature and strictly religious works. One can even recognize that they are a kind of leitmotif of local issues related to the human condition. While creation tries to arrange man as a tool in the hands of the gods, so man in his quest for the immortality tries to achieve divine status. This widely recognized theory, especially concerning the creation of man, has a number of exemptions, which the author presents step-by-step in Sumerian and Akkadian literature. In Mesopotamian mythology anthropological threads intermingle with the philosophical, all this in order to find a satisfactory answer to the most important questions about man and his relationship with the divine.

13

Why Archaeology is important for Theology

63%

Johnson C. H.

Studia Nauk Teologicznych PAN

|

2021

|

issue 16

29-48

EN

The Old Testament is clearly a mixture of myths and real historical figures with their events. There is no question about the contribution of mythology, since much of Genesis has been formed from common mythological accounts from all over the ancient Near East. The stories of Creation, the primordial couple, the Garden of Eden, Cain and Abel, the Great Flood, and much more, are a commonplace of narratives throughout the region. Although these accounts are mythological, it does not mean that they have not been shaped by real events. Specialists speculate about a great flood that took place in the Near East as a result of rising water levels at the end of the last Ice Age (around 5000 BC). This coincided at a time when the Agricultural Revolution had taken over the Fertile Crescent and Egypt. Various peoples of the Levant adopted mythological narratives and reformulated them to create their own unique and original tales. Some of the main figures of the Bible, such as Adam and Eve, Noah, Lot, finally the patriarchs (Abraham, Isaac and Jacob) were their own compositions but, as can be seen with the patriarch Abraham, who was not an exclusive figure of the Hebrew people, his conversion to monotheism is, however, something peculiar to the spiritual creativity of the Jews. Here as in the composition of the New Testament, archeology is the necessary aid to locate the reality and the truth of sacred history and its development in human time.

14

Tabliczka A praw średnioasyryjskich – prawa dotyczące kobiet

63%

Mikołajczak T.

Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne

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2023

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vol. 75

|

issue 1

9-42

EN

Middle Assyrian Laws (MAL) are a Mesopotamian law collection created approximately in the 12th century BC in Assur (now Qal’at Sherqat in Iraqi Kurdistan). The text contains a Polish translation and a commentary concerning the first tablet of this collection, MAL A (VAT 10000 = KAV 001). Tablet MAL A (also known as Frauenspiegel) consists of laws concerning women, and women in it are either perpetrators or victims of crimes. This document offers a unique insight into contemporary Middle Assyrian and Mesopotamian societies as it covers a wide range of issues like theft, assault, adultery and rape, homosexuality, marriage, and family law.

PL

Prawa średnioasyryjskie to mezopotamski zbiór praw stworzony w ok. XII w. p.n.e. w Aszur (obecnie Qal’at Szerkat w irakijskim Kurdystanie). Tekst zawiera polskie tłumaczenie i komentarz do pierwszej tabliczki tego zbioru, MAL A (VAT 10000 = KAV 001). Tabliczka MAL A (znana jako Frauenspiegel) zawiera prawa dotyczące kobiet (gdzie kobiety są albo winnymi przestępstw, albo poszkodowanymi). Dokument ten w sposób unikalny informuje nas o średnioasyryjskim i mezopotamskim społeczeństwie tego czasu, zajmując się takim zagadnieniami, jak kradzież, napaść, zdrada małżeńska i gwałt, homoseksualizm, małżeństwo i prawo rodzinne.

15

Gniew bogów świata umarłych w wierzeniach starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu

51%

Münnich M.

Verbum Vitae

|

2018

|

vol. 34

191-212

EN

The various Semitic peoples of the Ancient Near East all embraced similar beliefs concerning the anger of the deities of the underworld. Above all, such an anger was viewed as lethal to both people and to other gods. In the surviving textual sources one can find word-images of the deities themselves, of their demonic helpers, and even of the dead under their orders to devour their victims (gods or people). The anger of the divine rulers of the underworld is not presented as irrevocable, but can be appeased by offering sacrifices and prayers, or by praising particular gods. Some elements of this imagery, though modified to align with a monotheistic background, can also be found in the Bible.

PL

Semici starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu w sposób dość podobny wyobrażali sobie gniew bóstw świata podziemnego. Przede wszystkim ów gniew miał być śmiercionośny zarówno dla ludzi, jak i dla bogów. W takim kontekście często używanym obrazem jest przedstawienie czy to samych bóstw, czy to ich demonicznych pomocników, czy wreszcie pozostających pod ich rozkazami zmarłych jako pożerających swe ofiary (bogów albo ludzi). Gniew boskich władców podziemia nie jest przedstawiany jako nieodwołalny i można go ułagodzić poprzez składanie ofiar, modlitwę czy też wysławianie konkretnych bogów. Pewne elementy tego obrazu, choć zmodyfikowane ze względu na monoteistyczne tło, można znaleźć także w Biblii.

16

Mesopotaamia jumalanna Nanāia mõjudest Kesk- ja Lõuna-Aasias

45%

Schumann A., Sazonov V.

Mäetagused

|

2023

|

vol. 85

121-136

EN

In this paper we have traced some basic attributes belonging to the Mesopotamian goddess Nanāia, from their origin in the period of Ur III (2112–2004 BC) in ancient Mesopotamia up to the period of the Kuṣāṇas and Kūšānšāhs (from the 1st century AD to the late 4th century AD) in Central and South Asia, and up to the period of their successors – the Kidarites and Hephthalites. We have shown that there was a smooth transformation of these attributes of Nanāia to the standard Indian iconographic motif of Durgā.

17

Religijne czy świeckie (polityczne) pochodzenie prawa w Mezopotamii (?)

38%

Sienkiewicz E.

Studia Koszalińsko-Kołobrzeskie

|

2019

|

issue 26

347-363

PL

Mezopotamia, której początki sięgają czasów prehistorycznych, uznawana jest za najstarszą cywilizację. Mimo wielu poważnych luk w materiale badawczym, dotychczasowe poszukiwania naukowe pozwalają stwierdzić, że w kwestii związków prawa z religią pojawiły się w niej dość zaskakujące rozwiązania. Pierwsze uregulowania prawne u Sumerów wiążą się z powstawaniem miast i przywództwem, wyraźnie wpisanym w ich wierzenia religijne. Dość wcześnie wyłaniająca się w tej cywilizacji instytucja króla, rozumiana jest jako pośrednicząca między światem boskim a ludzkim. Nie oznacza to jednak całkowitego utożsamienia religii i polityki, o czym świadczą uregulowania prawne w Mezopotamii. Król, który stanowi prawo, nie jest w tej funkcji reprezentantem bóstwa. Ustalając obowiązujące podwładnych normy, nie traktuje ich jako pochodzących od boga, co świadczy o rozróżnianiu przez Sumerów polityki od religii. Nie zdają sobie oni jeszcze sprawy z konsekwencji tego rozróżnienia, o czym świadczy ich niekonsekwencja w kwestii sankcji. Ustanawiając bowiem kary za nieprzestrzeganie tworzonego przez siebie prawa, król powołuje się na bóstwo, które w ten sposób, nie będąc źródłem prawa, traktowane jest jako jego zabezpieczenie.

EN

Mesopotamia, whose origins date back to prehistoric times, is considered to be the oldest civilization. In spite of many serious gaps in the research material, the scientific research suggests that there are quite surprising solutions regarding the links between law and religion. The first legal regulations in the Sumerians are connected with the development of cities and leadership, clearly set in their religious beliefs. The institution of a king, appointed in this civilization quite early, is understood as an intermediary between the divine and the human world. This does not, however, equate religion with politics, as it is evidenced by the legal regulations in Mesopotamia. The king who is a law representative is not a representative of the deity. The established norms mean that he does not treat the subordinates as coming from god. It proves the separation between the Sumerian politics and religion. They are not yet aware of the consequences of this distinction, as it is evidenced by their inconsistency in terms of sanctions. By establishing the penalty for disobedience against the law he creates, the king refers to the deity, which in this way, without being a source of law, is treated as its protection.

Refine search results

Adapa and the Ritual Process

Choroba jako wynik działania czarownicy, bóstwa, demona lub ducha na przykładzie mezopotamskich tekstów magicznych i medycznych

Abraham – ojciec wiary w tradycji biblijnej

Prawo handlowe starożytności przedrzymskiej oczyma dogmatyka. Uwagi na marginesie książki Marco Ciana Le antiche leggi del commercio

IDEA CZŁOWIEKA I BÓSTWA W STAROŻYTNOŚCI CZĘŚĆ II: Mesopotamian Divination. Some Historical, Religious and Anthropological Remarks

River Transport in Mesopotamia (5900–539 BC)

THE IDEA OF MAN AND DIVINITY IN ANTIQUITY PART II: Mesopotamian Divination. Some Historical, Religious and Anthropological Remarks

Moningad markused nelja ilmakaare kuninga ja jumal-kuninga kontseptsiooni kohta Sumeris ja Akkadis 3. at eKr

‘Bottle-brush’ Tree and Its Role in Creating Standard Compositions on Neo-Assyrian Seals in the Linear-style

Obraz świata podziemnego w świetle wybranych mitów mezopotamskich

IDEA CZŁOWIEKA I BÓSTWA W STAROŻYTNOŚCI CZĘŚĆ I: The influence of creation and pursuit of immortality on human status in Mesopotamia

THE IDEA OF MAN AND DIVINITY IN ANTIQUITY PART I: The influence of creation and pursuit of immortality on human status in Mesopotamia

Why Archaeology is important for Theology

Tabliczka A praw średnioasyryjskich – prawa dotyczące kobiet

Gniew bogów świata umarłych w wierzeniach starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu

Mesopotaamia jumalanna Nanāia mõjudest Kesk- ja Lõuna-Aasias

Religijne czy świeckie (polityczne) pochodzenie prawa w Mezopotamii (?)