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EN
Muslim presence in Europe is an uneven and unfinished process. Muslim minority is visibly divided between supporters of the moderate, liberal version of Islam and the followers of radical version – Salafism, which is calling to make an effort to restore the meaning of Islam. The advantage wins Muslim fundamentalism. It is internally diverse divided into the following trends: political Salafism, which organises its activities around a political logic, the second is predicative Salafism, which bases its actions on preaching and religious teachings (da’wah), and finally revolutionary, jihadi Salafism. This is a challenge to the European security, as well to Muslims, whose unity (ummah) is disrupted. In the European Islam there is a war over the control of the community.
EN
The paper presents the problem of the influence of positive and negative stereotypes of the Turk on the Bulgarian state’s policy towards the Muslim minority in 1878–1912. The first part of the text analyses the evolution of the negative stereotype of the Turk as the “cruel tormentor” and the positive one of the “good neighbor” in Bulgarian culture from the beginning of the Ottoman period to the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The second part focuses on the discriminative aspects of Bulgarian minority policy towards the Muslim population that was mostly implemented at the end of the 1870s and the beginning of the 1880s. Part three presents examples of the tolerant attitude by Bulgarian authorities that dominated Sofia’s policy towards the Muslims from the Union from 1885 to the outbreak of the Balkan Wars.
EN
The modern Bulgarian state, created in 1878, was not ethnically and religiously homogeneous. In 1881, 26 % of the country’s population were Muslims (527,000) and in 1910 they comprised 14 % (602,000). Despite that, Muslims did not hold any posts in Bulgaria’s central administration, nor did they generally occupy them at the level of districts (okrag) and counties (okoliya). However, the situation was different in commune (obshtina) governments. Muslims were formally represented in the councils of cities and villages in the northeastern parts of the country and the Rhodope Mountains (the areas where they were concentrated) and had the opportunity to play an important role in making decisions on key issues related to local finance, infrastructure and education together with Bulgarians. In some cases, they managed to efficiently participate in the functioning of local governments, while in others they played only a symbolic role. The case of Muslim rural and municipal councilors at the turn of the 19th and 20th century can be analyzed as an interesting example of the durability of the centuries-old tradition of komshuluk. The paper is based on the original studies of the materials found in the State Archive in Varna, as well as on the press from this period.
PL
Modern Greek statehood began to take shape with the War of Independence that broke out in 1821 and continued with varying intensity for the next years. As a result of these events, the Greeks cast of the foreign rule, which for many not only meant separation from the Ottoman Empire, but also the expulsion of Muslims living in these lands. During the uprising, about 25 000 Muslims lost their lives, and a similar number emigrated from the territory of the future Greek state. The next great exodus of Muslims from Greek lands was related to the annexation of Thessaly by the Hellenic Kingdom, which was to a larger extent spread over time. Since the region was incorporated into Greece until the beginning of the 20th century, the 40 000-strong Islamic community had virtually disappeared.
PL
W wielu krajach Europy muzułmanie żyją od pokoleń, w innych emigracja muzułmańska to stosunkowo nowe zjawisko. W europejskiej debacie publicznej wciąż podejmuje się zagadnienia integracji i problem nieprzystawalności wartości muzułmańskich i europejskich. Jednak muzułmanie stali się już integralną częścią religijnego pejzażu Europy, a ich twórczość artystyczna wpisała się na stałe w kulturę europejską. Szczególnie ważne w tym kontekście jest ustalenie czy i na ile działalność artystyczna odzwierciedla złożony charakter mniejszości muzułmańskich w Europie, jakim potrzebom twórców i odbiorców odpowiada. Odpowiedzi na te pytania pozwolą nakreślić obraz powstającej, nowej tożsamości kulturowej europejskich muzułmanów.
EN
In many European countries Muslims have lived for generations, in others Muslim immigration is a relatively new phenomenon. In the European public debate the issues related to the integration problems of Muslim immigrants as well as disputes over incompatibility between Islamic and European values are repeatedly raised. In reality, however, Muslims have become a permanent element of the European religious landscape. Muslim presence is reflected in the development of Islamic and ethnic culture. It is important and interesting to ask what is the exact nature of the artistic works, what are the underlying needs that prompt its creation, and if the complex character of Muslim minority in Europe is reflected in the artistic pursuits. Answering these questions will contribute to the understanding of the establishment of new cultural identity of European Muslims.
PL
Obecność Tatarów na stałe zapisała się w powojennej historii Gorzowa Wielkopolskiego. Jako przesiedleńcy z Kresów Wschodnich, głównie z Nowogródka, współtworzyli od podstaw zbiorowość miasta. Osiedlili się w dzielnicy Janice, miejscu nazwanym przez mieszkańców Gorzowa ,,Górkami Tatarskimi”. Nazwa ta do dnia dzisiejszego kojarzona jest z powojenną obecnością Tatarów w mieście oraz z działalnością Muzułmańskiej Gminy Wyznaniowej w Gorzowie Wielkopolskim i przez wiele lat stanowiącej centrum życia tatarskiego na Ziemiach Zachodnich. Nierozerwalnie z działalnością gorzowskiej gminy muzułmańskiej związane są postaci imama Bekira Radkiewicza oraz Rozalii Aleksandrowicz – ostatniej przewodniczącej Muzułmańskiej Gminy Wyznaniowej w Gorzowie Wielkopolskim. Po likwidacji gminy jej członkowie znaleźli się na peryferiach życia społeczności tatarskiej w Polsce. Obecnie w Gorzowie mieszka zaledwie kilka rodzin tatarskich.
EN
After the Second World War, many Tatars living in Nowogródek in the eastern flanks of the pre-war Poland, were resettled to Wielkopolska, especially to Gorzów Wielkopolski. There they eagerly cooperated with the ingenious population in shaping up of the post-war history of the town. Most of them occupied Janice district, nicknamed by their neighbours Tatar Hillocks. The name has caught on, and is today synonymous with the Tatar presence in Gorzów Wielkopolski; indeed, in the entire Wielkopolska (Greater Poland/Western Lands). It was also the seat of the Muzułmańska Gmina Wyznaniowa (Muslim Religious Commune). Notable representatives of the Muslim community in Gorzów Wielkopolski were imam Bekir Radkiewicz and Rozalia Aleksandrowicz. The latter was the last head of the Muslim Commune in Gorzów Wielkopolski. After its dissolution, local members found themselves at the margins of the Tatar society in Poland. Today, there are only a handful of Tatar families in Gorzów Wielkopolski.
EN
The analysis of the role of the Muslim minority in Switzerland is the subject of this article. The Swiss political system is blocking the rights of Muslim religious minority and its full inte-gration in Switzerland and in the Swiss society. In Switzerland, the negative impact of direct democracy on the integration of Muslim religious minority exists. Limitation of full rights for the minority confirms the phenomenon of dysfunctionality in the Swiss direct democracy system.
PL
Przedmiotem tego artykułu jest analiza roli mniejszości muzułmańskiej w Szwajcarii. Szwajcarski system polityczny demokracji bezpośredniej blokuje prawa muzułmańskiej mniejszości religijnej i jej pełną integrację w społeczeństwie. Ograniczenie pełnych praw mniejszości potwierdza zjawisko dysfunkcyjności w tym systemie demokracji bezpośredniej.
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